Democracy in America — Volume 2
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Alexis de Tocqueville. Democracy in America — Volume 2
Book Two: Influence Of Democracy On Progress Of Opinion in The United States
De Tocqueville's Preface To The Second Part
Section I: Influence of Democracy on the Action of Intellect in The United States
Chapter I: Philosophical Method Among the Americans
Chapter II: Of The Principal Source Of Belief Among Democratic Nations
Chapter III: Why The Americans Display More Readiness And More Taste For General Ideas Than Their Forefathers, The English
Chapter IV: Why The Americans Have Never Been So Eager As The French For General Ideas In Political Matters
Chapter V: Of The Manner In Which Religion In The United States Avails Itself Of Democratic Tendencies
Chapter VI: Of The Progress Of Roman Catholicism In The United States
Chapter VII: Of The Cause Of A Leaning To Pantheism Amongst Democratic Nations
Chapter VIII: The Principle Of Equality Suggests To The Americans The Idea Of The Indefinite Perfectibility Of Man
Chapter IX: The Example Of The Americans Does Not Prove That A Democratic People Can Have No Aptitude And No Taste For Science, Literature, Or Art
Chapter X: Why The Americans Are More Addicted To Practical Than To Theoretical Science
Chapter XI: Of The Spirit In Which The Americans Cultivate The Arts
Chapter XII: Why The Americans Raise Some Monuments So Insignificant, And Others So Important
Chapter XIII: Literary Characteristics Of Democratic Ages
Chapter XIV: The Trade Of Literature
Chapter XV: The Study Of Greek And Latin Literature Peculiarly Useful In Democratic Communities
Chapter XVI: The Effect Of Democracy On Language
Chapter XVII: Of Some Of The Sources Of Poetry Amongst Democratic Nations
Chapter XVIII: Of The Inflated Style Of American Writers And Orators
Chapter XIX: Some Observations On The Drama Amongst Democratic Nations
Chapter XX: Characteristics Of Historians In Democratic Ages
Chapter XXI: Of Parliamentary Eloquence In The United States
Section 2: Influence of Democracy on the Feelings of Americans
Chapter I: Why Democratic Nations Show A More Ardent And Enduring Love Of Equality Than Of Liberty
Chapter II: Of Individualism In Democratic Countries
Chapter III: Individualism Stronger At The Close Of A Democratic Revolution Than At Other Periods
Chapter IV: That The Americans Combat The Effects Of Individualism By Free Institutions
Chapter V: Of The Use Which The Americans Make Of Public Associations In Civil Life
Chapter VI: Of The Relation Between Public Associations And Newspapers
Chapter VII: Connection Of Civil And Political Associations
Chapter VIII: The Americans Combat Individualism By The Principle Of Interest Rightly Understood
Chapter IX: That The Americans Apply The Principle Of Interest Rightly Understood To Religious Matters
Chapter X: Of The Taste For Physical Well-Being In America
Chapter XI: Peculiar Effects Of The Love Of Physical Gratifications In Democratic Ages
Chapter XII: Causes Of Fanatical Enthusiasm In Some Americans
Chapter XIII: Causes Of The Restless Spirit Of Americans In The Midst Of Their Prosperity
Chapter XIV: Taste For Physical Gratifications United In America To Love Of Freedom And Attention To Public Affairs
Chapter XV: That Religious Belief Sometimes Turns The Thoughts Of The Americans To Immaterial Pleasures
Chapter XVI: That Excessive Care Of Worldly Welfare May Impair That Welfare
Chapter XVII: That In Times Marked By Equality Of Conditions And Sceptical Opinions, It Is Important To Remove To A Distance The Objects Of Human Actions
Chapter XVIII: That Amongst The Americans All Honest Callings Are Honorable
Chapter XIX: That Almost All The Americans Follow Industrial Callings
Chapter XX: That Aristocracy May Be Engendered By Manufactures
Book Three: Influence Of Democracy On Manners, Properly So Called
Chapter I: That Manners Are Softened As Social Conditions Become More Equal
Chapter II: That Democracy Renders The Habitual Intercourse Of The Americans Simple And Easy
Chapter III: Why The Americans Show So Little Sensitiveness In Their Own Country, And Are So Sensitive In Europe
Chapter IV: Consequences Of The Three Preceding Chapters
Chapter V: How Democracy Affects the Relation Of Masters And Servants
Chapter VI: That Democratic Institutions And Manners Tend To Raise Rents And Shorten The Terms Of Leases
Chapter VII: Influence Of Democracy On Wages
Chapter VIII: Influence Of Democracy On Kindred
Chapter IX: Education Of Young Women In The United States
Chapter X: The Young Woman In The Character Of A Wife
Chapter XI: That The Equality Of Conditions Contributes To The Maintenance Of Good Morals In America
Chapter XII: How The Americans Understand The Equality Of The Sexes
Chapter XIII: That The Principle Of Equality Naturally Divides The Americans Into A Number Of Small Private Circles
Chapter XIV: Some Reflections On American Manners
Chapter XV: Of The Gravity Of The Americans, And Why It Does Not Prevent Them From Often Committing Inconsiderate Actions
Chapter XVI: Why The National Vanity Of The Americans Is More Restless And Captious Than That Of The English
Chapter XVII: That The Aspect Of Society In The United States Is At Once Excited And Monotonous
Chapter XVIII: Of Honor In The United States And In Democratic Communities
Chapter XIX: Why So Many Ambitious Men And So Little Lofty Ambition Are To Be Found In The United States
Chapter XX: The Trade Of Place-Hunting In Certain Democratic Countries
Chapter XXI: Why Great Revolutions Will Become More Rare
Chapter XXII: Why Democratic Nations Are Naturally Desirous Of Peace, And Democratic Armies Of War
Chapter XXIII: Which Is The Most Warlike And Most Revolutionary Class In Democratic Armies?
Chapter XXIV: Causes Which Render Democratic Armies Weaker Than Other Armies At The Outset Of A Campaign, And More Formidable In Protracted Warfare
Chapter XXV: Of Discipline In Democratic Armies
Chapter XXVI: Some Considerations On War In Democratic Communities
Book Four: Influence Of Democratic Opinions On Political Society
Chapter I: That Equality Naturally Gives Men A Taste For Free Institutions
Chapter II: That The Notions Of Democratic Nations On Government Are Naturally Favorable To The Concentration Of Power
Chapter III: That The Sentiments Of Democratic Nations Accord With Their Opinions In Leading Them To Concentrate Political Power
Chapter IV: Of Certain Peculiar And Accidental Causes Which Either Lead A People To Complete Centralization Of Government, Or Which Divert Them From It
Chapter V: That Amongst The European Nations Of Our Time The Power Of Governments Is Increasing, Although The Persons Who Govern Are Less Stable
Chapter VI: What Sort Of Despotism Democratic Nations Have To Fear
Chapter VII: Continuation Of The Preceding Chapters
Chapter VIII: General Survey Of The Subject
APPENDIX TO PARTS I. AND II
Part I
Appendix A
Appendix B
Appendix C
Appendix D
Appendix E
Appendix F
Part II
Appendix G
Appendix H
Appendix I
Appendix K
Appendix L
Appendix M
Appendix N
Appendix O
Appendix P
Appendix Q
Appendix R
Appendix S
Appendix T
Appendix U
Appendix V
Appendix W
Appendix X
Appendix Y
Appendix Z
Constitution Of The United States Of America
Article I
Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a
Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members of
Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed
Section 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for
Section 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns
Section 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation
Section 7. All Bills for Raising Revenue shall originate in the House of
Section 8. The Congress shall have Power to lay and collect Taxes,
Section 9. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the
Section 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or
Article II
Section 1. The Executive Power shall be vested in a President of the
Section 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and
Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information
Section 4. The President, Vice-President and all civil Officers of the
Article III
Section 1. The judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in
Section 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all cases, in Law and
Section 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in
Article IV
Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the
Section 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all
Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union;
Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this
Article V
Article VI
Article VII
Bill Of Rights
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The Americans live in a democratic state of society, which has naturally suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This same state of society has, moreover, engendered amongst them a multitude of feelings and opinions which were unknown amongst the elder aristocratic communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The—aspect of civil society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democracy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other, and form one and the same work.
I must at once warn the reader against an error which would be extremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many different consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an example, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its inhabitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge, and their former habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of democracy, a vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of conditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of the occurrences taking place amongst us.
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The artisan readily understands these passions, for he himself partakes in them: in an aristocracy he would seek to sell his workmanship at a high price to the few; he now conceives that the more expeditious way of getting rich is to sell them at a low price to all. But there are only two ways of lowering the price of commodities. The first is to discover some better, shorter, and more ingenious method of producing them: the second is to manufacture a larger quantity of goods, nearly similar, but of less value. Amongst a democratic population, all the intellectual faculties of the workman are directed to these two objects: he strives to invent methods which may enable him not only to work better, but quicker and cheaper; or, if he cannot succeed in that, to diminish the intrinsic qualities of the thing he makes, without rendering it wholly unfit for the use for which it is intended. When none but the wealthy had watches, they were almost all very good ones: few are now made which are worth much, but everybody has one in his pocket. Thus the democratic principle not only tends to direct the human mind to the useful arts, but it induces the artisan to produce with greater rapidity a quantity of imperfect commodities, and the consumer to content himself with these commodities.
Not that in democracies the arts are incapable of producing very commendable works, if such be required. This may occasionally be the case, if customers appear who are ready to pay for time and trouble. In this rivalry of every kind of industry—in the midst of this immense competition and these countless experiments, some excellent workmen are formed who reach the utmost limits of their craft. But they have rarely an opportunity of displaying what they can do; they are scrupulously sparing of their powers; they remain in a state of accomplished mediocrity, which condemns itself, and, though it be very well able to shoot beyond the mark before it, aims only at what it hits. In aristocracies, on the contrary, workmen always do all they can; and when they stop, it is because they have reached the limit of their attainments.
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