Democracy Without Justice in Spain

Democracy Without Justice in Spain
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Spain is a notable exception to the implicit rules of late twentieth-century democratization: after the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975, the recovering nation began to consolidate democracy without enacting any of the mechanisms promoted by the international transitional justice movement. There were no political trials, no truth and reconciliation commissions, no formal attributions of blame, and no apologies. Instead, Spain's national parties negotiated the Pact of Forgetting, an agreement intended to place the bloody Spanish Civil War and the authoritarian excesses of the Franco dictatorship firmly in the past, not to be revisited even in conversation. Formalized by an amnesty law in 1977, this agreement defies the conventional wisdom that considers retribution and reconciliation vital to rebuilding a stable nation. Although not without its dark side, such as the silence imposed upon the victims of the Civil War and the dictatorship, the Pact of Forgetting allowed for the peaceful emergence of a democratic state, one with remarkable political stability and even a reputation as a trailblazer for the national rights and protections of minority groups. Omar G. Encarnación examines the factors in Spanish political history that made the Pact of Forgetting possible, tracing the challenges and consequences of sustaining the agreement until its dramatic reversal with the 2007 Law of Historical Memory. The combined forces of a collective will to avoid revisiting the traumas of a difficult and painful past and the reliance on the reformed political institutions of the old regime to anchor the democratic transition created a climate conducive to forgetting. At the same time, the political movement to forget encouraged the embrace of a new national identity as a modern and democratic European state. Demonstrating the surprising compatibility of forgetting and democracy, Democratization Without Justice in Spain offers a crucial counterexample to the transitional justice movement. The refusal to confront and redress the past did not inhibit the rise of a successful democracy in Spain; on the contrary, by leaving the past behind, Spain chose not to repeat it.

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Omar G. Encarnacion. Democracy Without Justice in Spain

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Democracy Without Justice in Spain

Bert B. Lockwood, Jr., Series Editor

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A more general criticism of reconciliation is that it is a very poor substitute for justice. By and large, this criticism reflects the structural nature of truth commissions. These bodies are generally defined as much for what they do—to establish the “official” truth about specific historic events—as for what they do not do (see Rotberg and Thompson 2000; Rosenberg 1996; Hayner 2001). Truth commissions usually lack the power to punish or prosecute human rights abusers; they also are seldom empowered to implement whatever recommendations are issued in the final report. The extent to which recommendations for reforms and reparations made by a truth commission make it into law is usually left to the discretion of the politicians, who often have little incentive to see them implemented since this often entails significant political risks. All of this has led many to downgrade expectations about what truth commissions can actually accomplish. Ignatieff (1996: 112) writes that, at most, truth commissions can be expected “to reduce the number of lies that can be circulated unchallenged in public discourse.”

Another criticism of reconciliation is whether the ambitious objective of creating a national narrative about the past that is supported by a broadly shared collective memory about historical events is of actual use to democracy. As observed by Müller (2002: 19), “In the end we may have to accept that contested, conflicting, and competing memories are an inevitable legacy of transitions to democracy. But that in itself might not be such a bad thing; after all, democracy itself is a form of contained conflict—and as long as memories remain contested, there will be no simple forgetting or repression tout court.” Müller adds (19) that “rather than aiming for some elusive social consensus in which one narrative of the past is enthroned, arguing about the past within democratic parameters and on the basis of what has been called an ‘economy of moral disagreement’ might itself be a means of fostering social cohesion.”

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