Homestead
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Оглавление
Bart. Field Marshal Sir John Burgoyne. Homestead
PUBLISHERS' NOTE
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I. Capital in Its Stronghold
CHAPTER II. The Gathering of the Storm
CHAPTER III. Locked Out
CHAPTER IV. The Pinkerton Guards
CHAPTER V. The First Shot
CHAPTER VI. The Bombardment
CHAPTER VII. The Surrender
CHAPTER VIII. After the Battle
CHAPTER IX. Soldiers to the Front
CHAPTER X. Camp McClellan
CHAPTER XI. The First Arrests
CHAPTER XII. The Shooting of Frick
CHAPTER XIII. Berkman and Iams
CHAPTER XIV. Politicians at Work
CHAPTER XV. Treason
CHAPTER XVI. The First Break
CHAPTER XVII. Capitulation
CHAPTER XVIII. The First Trial
CHAPTER XIX. Weaving New Toils
CHAPTER XX. The Denouement
CONCLUSION
Отрывок из книги
The demand voiced by representative workingmen in the Pittsburgh district, not only on their own account but on that of their brethren the world over, for a correct and impartial history of the Homestead trouble, sufficiently explains the appearance of this volume.
The importance of the theme requires no demonstration. Since labor first organized for its own protection it has passed through no period more prolific in soul-stirring events and significant developments than that extending from July to November, 1892, and including the lock-out at the Carnegie mills, the battle with 300 Pinkerton guards, the military occupation of Homestead, the trial of labor leaders on capital charges and the ultimate collapse of the Amalgamated lodges for lack of funds to continue the struggle against non-unionism. This was a conflict of far more than local interest. It was watched with anxiety by both friends and foes of organized labor on both sides of the Atlantic; it claimed the attention of leaders of thought in all departments of human activity; it stirred up the British House of Parliament and the United States Congress, agitated the newspaper press of both continents, became an issue in the election for President and is said to have contributed more largely to the defeat of Benjamin Harrison by Grover Cleveland than any other influence.
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That the new chairman was liable to make some disagreeable departure had to be admitted by the most confident. Dubious associations hung around the name of this man H. C. Frick. He had acquired unpleasant notoriety by reducing wages in the coke regions, and by crushing the labor insurrections which followed by the employment of Pinkerton detectives and even by calling in the state militia. There was no dilettantism or liberally-advertised philanthropy of the Carnegie stripe in Frick's composition. Everybody knew that. He was a man of blood and iron like Bismarck, so the workmen said; cared not a penny whether his underlings loved or hated him, and rather preferred an opportunity to crush – crush – crush intractable working folk under his heel than not.
Was this man placed in power by Andrew Carnegie in order to carry out at Homestead what he had carried out in the coke regions; to challenge organized labor by the submission of conditions which it could not accept and, on its refusal, try the old game of crushing the unions under foot? Did Carnegie shrink from the task himself and pick out Frick as a willing and capable instrument? Such were the questions discussed in the lodge-room and in the privacy of the domestic circle at Homestead during the time which intervened between the re-organization of the Carnegie interests and the next annual signing of the wage scale. Whatever conclusions might be reached, there was one thing certain at all events, in the not too penetrating judgment of the unionists: Frick might reduce wages, and Frick might fight, but Frick could not repeat in conflict; with the 3,800 brawny and intelligent artisans at Homestead the comparatively easy victories which he had gained over his poor coke workers. So said they all, and they believed it, too, as firmly as if it were Holy Writ.
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