Comrade Kerensky

Comrade Kerensky
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As one of the heroes of the 1917 February Revolution and then Prime Minister at the head of the Provisional Government, Alexander Kerensky was passionately, even fanatically, lauded as a leader during his brief political reign. Symbolic artefacts – sculptures, badges and medals – featuring his likeness abounded. Streets were renamed after him, his speeches were quoted on gravestones and literary odes dedicated to him proliferated in the major press. But, by October, Kerensky had been unceremoniously dethroned in the Bolshevik takeover and had fled to Paris and then to the US, where he would remain exiled and removed from his former glory until his death. The breakneck trajectory of his rise and fall and the intensity of his popularity were not merely a symptom of the chaos of those times but offer a window onto a much broader historical phenomenon which did not just begin with Lenin and Stalin – the cult of the leader. <br /><br />In this major new study of the Russian leadership cult, Boris Kolonitskii uses the figure of Kerensky to show how popular engagement with the idea of the leader became a key component of a cultural re-imagining of the political landscape after the fall of the monarchy. A parallel revolution was taking place on the level of creating a resonant political vocabulary where one had not existed before, and it was in the shared exercise of bestowing and dissolving authority that a politicised way of seeing began to emerge. Kolonitskii plots the unfurling of this symbolic revolution by examining the tapestry of images woven by Kerensky and those around him, and, in so doing, exposes his vital role in the development of nascent Soviet political culture. <br /><br />This highly original portrait of a revolutionary sheds new light on the cult of Kerensky that developed around this charismatic leader during the months following the overthrow of the tsar. It will be of value to students and scholars of Russian history and to those interested in political culture.

Оглавление

Boris Kolonitskii. Comrade Kerensky

CONTENTS

Guide

Pages

New Russian Thought

Comrade Kerensky. The Revolution against the Monarchy and the Formation of the Cult of ‘The Leader of the People’ (March–June 1917)

Dedication

Acknowledgements

Introduction

Notes

I Revolutionary Biography and Political Authority

1 Biography and biographers

2 The youth of the Leader

3 ‘Tribune of the people’

4 ‘Hero of the revolution’

5 ‘Champion of freedom’ and the cult of champions of freedom

Notes

II ‘Revolutionary Minister’

1 The great conciliator

2 The omnipresent ‘minister of the people’s truth’

3 ‘Democratic minister’

4 ‘Minister of revolutionary theatricality’ and ‘poet of the revolution’

5 ‘Great martyr of the revolution’

6 Kerensky as Louis Blanc: features of the Bolsheviks’ political propaganda

7 ‘Rebellious slaves’ and the ‘great citizen’

Notes

III ‘Leader of the Revolutionary Army’ 1 The iron discipline of duty

2 The visit to Helsingfors

3 The ‘Kerensky Declaration’

4 ‘Tireless victor’: Kerensky at the front

5 ‘Wanted: a Napoleon’: Kerensky and Bonapartism

6 The Bolshoy Theatre and the birth of the New Man

7 Kerensky and the Socialist Revolutionary Party

Notes

IV The ‘Kerensky Offensive’

1 ‘Commender-in-chief’: rhetorical preparations for the offensive

2 ‘Kerensky’ and ‘Lenin’

3 The June Crisis and the June Offensive

4 A popular ‘brand’ and symbol of the revolution

Notes

Conclusion

Notes

Index. A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

I

J

K

L

M

N

O

P

R

S

T

U

V

W

Y

Z

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The publication of this series was made possible with the support of the Zimin Foundation.

Boris Kolonitskii, Comrade Kerensky

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During 1917, other Bolsheviks recalled their contacts with Kerensky. For example, at the end of August, Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov published an article in which he touched on the career of Kerensky, who by then was already the head of the Provisional Government. The Bolshevik recalled a meeting with him in November 1916, by which time Stepanov believed the Trudovik leader had moved to the left. Nevertheless, he claims, Kerensky believed the hand of the Okhrana and imperial court, which he considered Germanophile, was behind workers’ unrest.120 We might take this as an attempt by a prominent Bolshevik to discredit the head of the Provisional Government by suggesting Kerensky had failed to understand the real mood of the workers, and hence was questioning the democratic credentials of the leader of the February Revolution. The article can, however, be read in a different way, with even Kerensky’s political opponents, the Bolsheviks, acknowledging his involvement in the activities of the illegals. This could only be to the benefit of his standing.

Other actions during the war redounded to Kerensky’s credit. Well informed about the mood among the illegals, he urged the liberals to give no quarter in the fight against the regime and insisted that the country was on the brink of revolution. Most of them thought he was being overly optimistic,121 but after the downfall of the tsar the Trudovik leader’s surmises were sometimes treated as infallible predictions.

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