Building the Empire State

Building the Empire State
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Building the Empire State examines the origins of American capitalism by tracing how and why business corporations were first introduced into the economy of the early republic. Brian Phillips Murphy follows the collaborations between political leaders and a group of unelected political entrepreneurs, including Robert R. Livingston and Alexander Hamilton, who persuaded legislative powers to grant monopolies corporate status in order to finance and manage civic institutions. Murphy shows how American capitalism grew out of the convergence of political and economic interests, wherein political culture was shaped by business strategies and institutions as much as the reverse. Focusing on the state of New York, a onetime mercantile colony that became home to the first American banks, utilities, canals, and transportation infrastructure projects, Building the Empire State surveys the changing institutional ecology during the first five decades following the American Revolution. Through sustained attention to the Manhattan Company, the steamboat monopoly, the Erie Canal, and the New York & Erie Railroad, Murphy traces the ways entrepreneurs marshaled political and financial capital to sway legislators to support their private plans and interests. By playing a central role in the creation and regulation of institutions that facilitated private commercial transactions, New York State's political officials created formal and informal precedents for the political economy throughout the northeastern United States and toward the expanding westward frontier. The political, economic, and legal consequences organizing the marketplace in this way continue to be felt in the vast influence and privileged position held by corporations in the present day.

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Brian Phillips Murphy. Building the Empire State

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BUILDING THE EMPIRE STATE

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Being Church and Wadsworth’s agent also meant that, by late 1783, Hamilton was already thinking like a banker. Church and Wadsworth, after all, were no ordinary merchants. Among their many assets was the largest single bloc of shares in the Philadelphia-based Bank of North America, then the only bank in the nation. Hamilton was in charge of Church’s half, managing a combined investment of 202 shares worth just under $82,000. He was directly responsible for collecting dividends paid on Church’s bloc of shares and held a power-of-attorney that entitled him to cast shareholder votes in Church’s name, making him the proxy voice for one of the country’s most important merchant-bankers and a de facto stockholder in the bank itself.35

Despite all their influence within the Bank of North America, however, Church and Wadsworth were unhappy with how the institution was being managed. They suspected that bank president Thomas Willing was collaborating too closely with his onetime business partner Robert Morris, the financier and merchant who had been Congress’s superintendent of finance since 1781. When Willing announced in December 1783 that the bank was expanding and would put additional stock shares up for sale, it looked to Hamilton like Robert Morris was behind that plan, one that would cost his clients money and dilute their influence within the bank. Chaloner predicted the new stock would “lessen the dividend” paid to current shareholders—reducing the profitability of bank shares as an investment—and “throw it out of the power of a few individuals” to select directors and “control” the bank itself.36

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