Police Power and Race Riots

Police Power and Race Riots
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Three weeks after Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, a New York City police officer shot and killed a fifteen-year-old black youth, inciting the first of almost a decade of black and Latino riots throughout the United States. In October 2005, French police chased three black and Arab teenagers into an electrical substation outside Paris, culminating in the fatal electrocution of two of them. Fires blazed in Parisian suburbs and housing projects throughout France for three consecutive weeks. Cathy Lisa Schneider explores the political, legal, and economic conditions that led to violent confrontations in neighborhoods on opposite sides of the Atlantic half a century apart. Police Power and Race Riots traces the history of urban upheaval in New York and greater Paris, focusing on the interaction between police and minority youth. Schneider shows that riots erupted when elites activated racial boundaries, police engaged in racialized violence, and racial minorities lacked alternative avenues of redress. She also demonstrates how local activists who cut their teeth on the American race riots painstakingly constructed social movement organizations with standard nonviolent repertoires for dealing with police violence. These efforts, along with the opening of access to courts of law for ethnic and racial minorities, have made riots a far less common response to police violence in the United States today. Rich in historical and ethnographic detail, Police Power and Race Riots offers a compelling account of the processes that fan the flames of urban unrest and the dynamics that subsequently quell the fires.

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Cathy Lisa Schneider. Police Power and Race Riots

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Police Power and Race Riots

Urban Unrest in Paris and New York

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Third, Wacquant’s admittedly neofunctionalist explanation is devoid of actors. If the 1960s riots in America were, as he claims, “propelled by the crumbling of the caste system,” why did blacks and Puerto Ricans abandon the streets before the caste system crumbled? If the real demands of rioting youths in France were “decent jobs, good schools, affordable or improved housing, access to basic public services, and fair treatment by the police and other agents of the state”;88 if anger was directed at police as the last “buffer between them and a society that rejects them”;89 and if the 1992 riots in Los Angeles were “as much about empty bellies and broken hearts as about police batons and Rodney King,”90 why do American youths so rarely riot now? If the prison, as Wacquant claims elsewhere, was the main medium of social control, why was there a fifteen-year gap between the denouement of the riots and the explosive growth of the prison system? Finally, what explains the willingness of black and Arab youths in France to set their neighborhoods aflame if they lived in a country devoid of racial exploitation and their neighborhoods had been the “target of a concerted renovation plan”?

Janet Abu-Lughod’s book Race, Space and Riots in Chicago, New York and Los Angeles is a useful point in contrast.91 Unlike Wacquant, who treats the United States as Chicago writ large, Abu-Lughod contrasts the riots in that city to those in New York and Los Angeles. Of the three, New York had the fewest, briefest, and least damaging riots. Abu-Lughod attributes this to police training and restraint. The heterogeneity, accessibility, organization, and political power of New York’s black and Latino neighborhoods were necessary conditions for the development of better policing strategies and better police resident interactions. Where neighborhoods were more segregated, as in Chicago and Los Angeles, police forces were less accountable.

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