Structural Anthropology Zero

Structural Anthropology Zero
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This volume of Lévi-Strauss's writings from 1941 to 1947 bears witness to a period of his work which is often overlooked but which was the crucible for the structural anthropology that he would go on to develop in the years that followed. Like many European Jewish intellectuals, Lévi-Strauss had sought refuge in New York while the Nazis overran and occupied much of Europe. He had already been introduced to Jakobson and structural linguistics but he had not yet laid out an agenda for structuralism, which he would do in the 1950s and 60s. At the same time, these American years were the time when Lévi-Strauss would learn of some of the world's most devastating historical catastrophes – the genocide of the indigenous American peoples and of European Jews. From the beginning of the 1950s, Lévi-Strauss's anthropology tacitly bears the heavy weight of the memory and possibility of the Shoah. To speak of 'structural anthropology zero' is therefore to refer to the source of a way of thinking which turned our conception of the human on its head. But this prequel to Structural Anthropology also underlines the sense of a tabula rasa which animated its author at the end of the war as well as the project – shared with others – of a civilizational rebirth on novel grounds. Published here in English for the first time, this volume of Lévi-Strauss’s texts from the 1940s will be of great interest to students and scholars in anthropology, sociology and the social sciences generally.

Оглавление

Claude Levi-Strauss. Structural Anthropology Zero

Contents

Guide

Pages

Claude Lévi-Strauss Structural Anthropology Zero

Copyright page

A Note on this Edition

Illustrations

Introduction by Vincent Debaene

A prehistory of structural anthropology

New York, 1941–1947

Tabula rasa

The welfare state and international cooperation

“National sovereignty is not a good in itself”

The genocide of Amerindians and the destruction of European Jews

Notes

I French Sociology

II

III

Selected Bibliography

Notes

II In Memory of Malinowski

III The Work of Edward Westermarck

Notes

IV The Name of the Nambikwara

Notes

V Five Book Reviews

VI Techniques for Happiness

Notes

VII War and Trade among the Indians of South America

Notes

VIII The Theory of Power in a Primitive Society

Notes

IX Reciprocity and Hierarchy

Notes

X The Foreign Policy of a Primitive Society

Notes

XI Indian Cosmetics

Notes

XII The Art of the Northwest Coast at the American Museum of Natural History

Notes

XIII The Social Use of Kinship Terms among Brazilian Indians

Notes

XIV On Dual Organization in South America

Notes

XV The Tupi-Kawahib. TRIBAL DIVISIONS and HISTORY

CULTURE. Subsistence

Houses

Dress and ornaments

TRANSPORTATION

Manufactures

Social and political organization

Warfare

Life cycle

Aesthetic and recreational activities

Magic and religion

Bibliography

XVI The Nambikwara. TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY

CULTURE. Subsistence

Houses

Clothing and adornment

Transportation

Manufactures

Social and political organization

Life cycle

Aesthetic and recreational activities

Magic and religion

Shamanism and medicine

Folklore, lore and learning

Bibliography

XVII Tribes of the Right Bank of the Guaporé River. INTRODUCTION

TRIBAL DIVISIONS

CULTURE. Subsistence and food preparation

Domesticated animals

Houses

Dress and adornment

Transportation

Manufactures

Social organizations

Life cycle

Cannibalism

Aesthetic and recreational activities

Religion, folklore and mythology

Bibliography

Map

Sources. Chapter I

Chapter II

Chapter III

Chapter IV

Chapter V

Chapter VI

Chapter VII

Chapter VIII

Chapter IX

Chapter X

Chapter XI

Chapter XII

Chapter XIII

Chapter XIV

Chapter XV

Chapter XVI

Chapter XVII

Index

POLITY END USER LICENSE AGREEMENT

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Introduction by Vincent Debaene

Translated by Ninon Vinsonneau and Jonathan Magidoff

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The article is thus filled with statements that spoke to the reader of 1949 in ways that are probably not as clear to us today. This is true of the final lines that condemn the naïve optimism of “our current preoccupations, which would have us think about human problems in terms of open societies, of ever more open societies.” This is an allusion to Henri Bergson’s reflections, taken up by Karl Popper in his 1945 work The Open Society and its Enemies, in which Lévi-Strauss detected the excesses of “Christian and democratic thought,” which, by constantly expanding the “limits of the human group,” failed to see the need to think of humanity as an ensemble of groups whose tendencies toward excessive aggression as well as collaboration needed to be regulated (p. 147). We should also take the measure, four years after the world became aware of the extermination camps, of the resonance of the following pronouncement: “There is always a point beyond which a man ceases to take part in the essential attributes of humanity … Yet this denial of human status [in so-called primitive societies] only very rarely takes on an aggressive character. For if humanity is denied to certain groups, they are not comprised of men and, as a consequence, one does not behave in relation to them as one would with other human beings” (p. 145). This is the main argument of the article: the violence of one group toward another is itself a recognition of the possibility of partnership; sheer negation of the other manifests only as lack of interest and “strategies of avoidance.” Aggressiveness between two groups must thus be thought of as “a function of another, antithetical, situation – i.e. cooperation” (p. 147). In other words, those who were our enemies yesterday were not so by nature, as a result of some primal aggression inherent in the constitution of any community; indeed, they may become our partners tomorrow, as part of a regulated regime of international cooperation. Against the search for universal principles (which would make war and cooperation “instincts” characteristic of all groups), the Nambikwara example shows us that war and trade are the manifestations of a single principle of exchange operating on a gradient between aggression and cooperation – confirming Mauss’s thesis that the exchange of gifts precedes market exchanges. “Thus, what we are dealing with here is a continuum, an institutional chain, that runs from war to trade, from trade to marriage, and from marriage to the merger of social groups” (p. 142).

This was already the central proposition in “War and Trade among the Indians of South America”: “conflict and economic exchange in South America represent not only two types of coexisting relations, but also two opposite and indissoluble dimensions of a single social process” (p. 115). The article, published in 1943 in Renaissance, the journal of the École Libre des Hautes Études, also reflects the urge to anticipate the post-war and to lay the foundations for future national and European political life – a concern shared by many French intellectuals exiled in New York.26 What is most striking in retrospect is the optimism of these men, many of them young (Lévi-Strauss was not yet forty), who, in the midst of war but far removed from European horrors, were keen to “work in teams” to reinvent the post-war world. This was reflected in the very name of the journal Renaissance (itself founded in 1942), as well as in the promising titles of the many generalist periodicals that blossomed after 1945 taking “civilization” as their principal subject, such as Chemins du Monde and L’Âge d’Or (a journal launched by the publishing house Calmann-Lévy, which was as ambitious as it was short-lived, and to which Lévi-Strauss initially contributed “Techniques for Happiness”). In addition to offering a prehistory of the first two volumes of Structural Anthropology, “volume zero” should be understood in terms of the sense of tabula rasa that animated its author and the larger project – shared with many others – of civilizational renewal on fresh foundations.

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