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Title: Bygone Cumberland and Westmorland

Author: Daniel Scott

Release Date: October 31, 2011 [EBook #37891] Language: English

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BYGONE CUMBERLAND AND WESTMORLAND.

THE LEPERS' SQUINT, ST. MICHAEL'S CHURCH, BROUGH-UNDER-STAINMORE.

From a Photo by Mr. George Arkwright, Beatrice, Nebraska, U.S.A.

Bygone Cumberland and

Westmorland

By Daniel Scott

1

LONDON:

WILLIAM ANDREWS & CO., 5, FARRINGDON AVENUE, E.C.

1899.

TO EMMA.

Preface.

THE information contained in the following pages has been derived from many sources during the last twenty years, and in a con-

siderable number of cases I have examined old registers and other documents without being then aware that some of their contents

had already been published.

Few districts in the United Kingdom have been more thoroughly "worked" for antiquarian and archaeological purposes than have Cumberland and Westmorland. The Antiquarian Society and the numerous Literary and Scientific Societies have, during the last thirty years, been responsible for a great amount of research. I have endeavoured to acknowledge each source--not only as a token of my own obligation, but as a means of directing others wishing further information on the various points.

I also desire to acknowledge the help received in various ways from numerous friends in the two counties.

Daniel Scott.

Penrith, June 1st, 1899.

Contents.

PAGE

An Unparalleled Sheriffwick 1

Watch and Ward 9

Fighting Bishops and Fortified Churches 22

Some Church Curiosities 38

Manorial Laws and Curiosities of Tenures 64

Old-Time Punishments 91

Some Legends and Superstitions 130

Four Lucks 148

Some Old Trading Laws and Customs 155

Old-Time Home Life 169

Sports and Festivities 188

On the Road 209

Old Customs 223

Old School Customs 240

2

Index 257

[Pg 1]

Bygone Cumberland and Westmorland.

An Unparalleled Sheriffwick.

FOR a period of 645 years--from 1204 to 1849--Westmorland, unlike other counties in England (excluding, of course, the counties

Palatine), had no Sheriff other than the one who held the office by hereditary right. The first Sheriff of the county is mentioned in

1160, and nine or ten other names occur at subsequent periods, until in 1202, the fourth year of the reign of King John, came Rob-

ert de Vetripont. Very soon afterwards the office was made hereditary in his family "to have and to hold of the King and his heirs."

The honour and privileges were possessed by no less than twenty-two of Robert's descendants. Their occupation of the office covers

some very exciting periods of county history, the tasks committed to the Sheriffs in[Pg 2] former centuries being frequently of an

arduous as well as dangerous character.

The Sheriff had very important duties of a military character to carry out. Thus in the sixth year of Henry the Third we have the command from the King to the Sheriff of Westmorland that without any delay he should summon the earls, barons, knights, and freeholders of his bailiwick, and that he should hasten to Cockermouth and besiege the castle there, afterwards destroying it to its

very foundations. This order was a duplicate of one sent to the Sheriff of Yorkshire concerning Skipton Castle and other places. It is not known, however, whether the instructions respecting Cockermouth were carried out or not.

The powers of Sheriff not being confined to the male members of the family, the histories of Westmorland contain the unusual information that at least two women occupied, by right of office, seats on the bench alongside the Judges. The first of these was Isabella de Clifford, widow of Robert, and, wrote the historian Machell, "She sate as is said in person at Apelby as Sheriff of the county, and died about 20 of Edward I." The other case was that of the still more powerful, strenuous, and gifted woman, Anne, Countess[Pg 3] of Pembroke. Of her it is recorded that she not only took her seat on the bench, but "rode on a white charger as Sheriffess of Westmorland, before the Judges to open the Assizes." It will not be forgotten that territorial lords and ladies in bygone times held Courts of their own in connection with their manors and castles. The Rev. John Wharton, Vicar of South Stainmore, in a communication to the writer some time ago said: "From documents shown me by the late John Hill, Esq., Castle Bank, Appleby, the great but somewhat masculine Anne, Countess of Pembroke and Montgomery, seemed partial to Courts of her own. She sat upon many offenders as a judge, and it is handed down that she executed divers persons for treasonous designs and plotting against her estate."

The Memoranda Rolls belonging to the Lord Treasurer's Remembrancer, show the mode of presenting or nominating the Sheriff for

Westmorland in the time of the Cliffords, his admittance to the office by the Barons of the Exchequer, and his warrant for execut-

ing it. From the Rolls of the 15th, 19th, and 23rd years of Edward the First, when the Sheriffwick passed into the family of the

Cliffords, it seems that the right of appointment[Pg 4] was the subject of litigation between the two daughters and heiresses of the

last of the Vetriponts. This ended in an agreement that the elder sister should "present" to, and the younger should "approve" the

appointment. In this way Robert de Moreville was admitted to the office of Sheriff in the fifteenth year of Edward's reign, Gilbert

de Burneshead three years later, and Ralph de Manneby in 1295, each swearing faithfully to execute his office and answer to both

daughters. On the death of the sisters the Sheriffwick became vested in Robert de Clifford, son and heir of the eldest, and continued

in the possession of his descendants until the attainder in 1461.

The list of Sheriffs is, of course, a very long one, and even allowing for the large number of individuals who have left nothing more than their names, there is much material for interesting study in the histories of the others. The actual work was rarely done by the holders of the office. "The functionaries who performed the duties were simply deputies for the Sheriff, and although we find them

attesting many ancient charters and grants relating to the county, recording themselves as Vice-Comites (or Sheriffs), they[Pg 5] sim-

ply executed the office as Pro-Vice-Comites (or Under-Sheriffs). The attainder of the Cliffords during the Wars of the Roses, until

its reversal in the first year of Henry the Sixth, causes a void as regards their family, their places being filled from among the sup-

porters of the House of York."[1] For a considerable period Westmorland was treated as part of Yorkshire, the Sheriff of the latter

county rendering an account of the two places jointly. From the time of John, however, the accounts rendered for Westmorland by

Yorkshire Sheriffs would have been as Sub-Vice-Comites for the Vetriponts.

3

The High Sheriffs and their connections lived in considerable state when the country was sufficiently peaceable to permit of it. This is proved by the arrangement and size of their castles, while Sir Lancelot Threlkeld, half-brother of Henry Clifford, used to boast that he had three noble houses. One, at Crosby Ravensworth, where there was a park full of deer, was for pleasure; one for profit

and warmth wherein to reside in winter, was the house at Yanwath; and the estate at Threlkeld was "well stocked[Pg 6] with tenants ready to go with him to the wars." The various "progresses" of the Countess Anne also afford evidence of the state kept up, for she frequently speaks of her journeys from one castle to another "escorted by my gentlemen and yeomen."

Among the numerous pieces of patronage which became the prerogative of the High Sheriffs of Westmorland, was that of the Abbey of Shap, but there does not appear to be any record when this and other privileges passed from them, the property being granted by Henry the Eighth to the Whartons. Where so much power lay in the hands of one person, or of one family, differences with other authorities was perhaps inevitable. The interests of the burgesses of Appleby would seem to have clashed at times with those of the Sheriff, and for very many years the parties kept up a crusade against each other, especially during the reigns of the first three Edwards. What the cost of those proceedings may have been to the Sheriff cannot be told, but on the other side the result was

the forfeiture of rights for a considerable time, because the fee farm rent had got into arrear. The Hereditary High Sheriff had the

privilege of appointing the[Pg 7] governor of the gaol at Appleby, but he had to pay PS15 per annum towards the salary, while the

magistrates appointed the other officials and made up from the county rates the remainder of the cost of the institution.

The long period during which the holders of the Sheriffwick held the privilege is the more remarkable--as Sir G. Duckett, Bart., reminded the northern archaeologists in 1879--because of the way in which ancient grants and statutes have in almost all cases

become a dead letter and obsolete.

A singular incident in connection with the Sheriffwick happened about seventy years ago, and is recorded in the life of Baron Alder-son, father of the Marchioness of Salisbury. The Baron went to Appleby to hold the half-yearly assizes, but on arriving there found that he could not carry out his work because Lord Thanet was in France, and had omitted to send the documents for obtaining

juries. The Judge had therefore to spend his time as best he could for several days, until a messenger could see the High Sheriff in

Paris and obtain the necessary papers.

When the eleventh and last Earl of Thanet[Pg 8] died in June, 1849, the male line of the family ceased, the estates passing by will

to Sir Richard Tufton, father of the present Lord Hothfield. The office of Hereditary High Sheriff was claimed by the Rev. Charles

Henry Barham, of Trecwn, nephew of the Earl, but a question arising as to the validity of a devise of the office, Mr. Barham relin-

quished his claim in favour of the Crown. An Act was afterwards passed--in July, 1850--making the Shrievalty in Westmorland the

same as in other counties.

[Pg 9]

Watch and Ward.

THE geographical position of the two counties rendered an extensive system of watching essential for the safety of the residents. In the northern parts of Cumberland, along the Border, this was particularly the case; but there watch and ward was more of a military character than was necessary elsewhere, while as it was a part of the national defence it passed into the care of the Government for the time being. From the necessity for "watching and warding" against the northern incursions, came the name of the divisions of

the two counties. Cumberland had for centuries five wards; more recently for purposes of local government these were increased to seven; and Westmorland also has four wards.

The regulations of the barony of Gilsland, in a manuscript volume belonging to the Earl of Lonsdale, are very explicit as to what was required of the tenants in the way of Border service. These stipulated for good horses, efficient armour and weapons for the bailiffs, and a rigid supervision of those of lower rank. The[Pg 10] tenants' nags were ordered to be "able at anye tyme to beare a manne twentie or four-and-twentie houres without a baite, or at the leaste is able sufficientlye to beare a manne twentie miles within Scotlande and backe againe withoute a baite." Every tenant, moreover, had to provide himself with "a jacke, steale-cape, sworde, bowe, or speare, such weapons as shall be thought meatest for him to weare by the seyght of the baylife where he dwelleth or by the land-serjeante." The rules as to the watch required that every tenant should keep his night watch as he should be appointed by the bailiff, the tenant breaking his watch forfeiting two shillings, which in those days was a formidable amount. The tenants had to go

to their watch before ten o'clock, and not to return to a house till after cock-crow; they were also required to call twice to all their

4

neighbours within their watches, once about midnight, and "ones after the cockes have crowen."

Detailed instructions were drawn up for the guidance of the men during their watches. These were even less emphatic, however, than those which referred to the maintenance and keeping of the beacons, of which fourteen public[Pg 11] ones (including Penrith and Skiddaw) are named in Nicolson and Burn's History. Modernising the spelling, one of the paragraphs runs as follows:--

"The watchers of a windy night shall watch well of beacons, because in a wind the fray cannot be heard, and therefore it is ordered that of a windy night (if a fray rise) beacons shall be burnt in every lordship by the watchers. One watcher shall keep the beacon burning and the other make speed to the next warner, to warn all the lordships, and so to set forwards. And if the watchers through their own default do not see the beacons burn, or do not burn their own beacons, as appointed, they shall each forfeit two shillings. If the warners have sufficient warning by the watchers, and do not warn all within their warning with great speed, if any fault be proved of the warner he shall forfeit 18d."

The "Orders of the Watch" made by Lord Wharton in October, 1553, are of considerable local interest in connection with this subject, and the following extracts may for that reason be quoted:--

"Ainstable, Armathwhaite, Nunclose, and Flodelcruke to keep nightly Paytwath with four persons; William Skelton's bailiffs and constables to appoint nightly to set and search the said watch. Four fords upon Raven, to be watched by Kirkoswald, Laisingby, Glas-senby, Little Salkeld, Ullesby, Melmorby, Ranwyke, and Harskew: at every ford nightly four persons; and the searchers to be[Pg 12] appointed by the bailiffs and constables, upon the oversight of Christopher Threlkeld, the King's Highness's servant. Upon Blenkarn Beck are five fords, to be watched by Blenkarn, Culgaith, Skyrwath, Kirkland, Newbiggin, Sourby, Millburn, Dufton, Marton, Kirk-bythore, Knock, and Milburn Grange; bailiffs and constables to appoint searchers: Overseers, Christopher Crackenthorp, and Gilbert Wharton, the King's Highness's servants. Upon the water of Pettrel: From Carlisle to Pettrelwray; bailiffs and constables there, with the oversight of the late Prior of Carlisle for the time being, or the steward of the lands. And from thence to Plompton; overseer

of the search and watch nightly John Skelton of Appletreethwayt, and Thomas Herrington, Ednal and Dolphenby; Sir Richard Musgrave, knight, overseer, his deputy or deputies. Skelton and Hutton in the Forest; overseers thereof, William Hutton and John Suthake. Newton and Catterlen, John Vaux, overseer, nightly. For the search of the watches of all the King's Highness's lands, called the Queen's Hames, the steward there, his deputy or deputies, nightly. From the barony of Graystock; the Lord Dacre, his steward, deputy or deputies, overseers. This watch to begin the first night of October, and to continue until the 16th day of March; and the

sooner to begin, or longer to continue at the discretion of the Lord Warden General or his deputy for the time being. Also the night

watch to be set at the day-going, and to continue until the day be light; and the day watch, when the same is, to begin at the day light,

and to continue until the day be gone."

PENRITH BEACON.

From a Photo by Mr. John Bolton, Penrith.

Penrith Beacon had an important place in the system of watch and ward in the south-eastern [Pg 13]parts of Cumberland and North

Westmorland. As a former local poet wrote:--

"Yon grey Beacon, like a watchman brave, Warned of the dreaded night, and fire-fed, gave Heed of the threatening Scot."

The hill before being planted as it now appears, was simply a bare fell, without enclosures of any kind. The late Rev. Beilby Porteus, Edenhall, in one of his books,[2] after mentioning the uses of Penrith Beacon, added:--"Before these parts were enclosed, every parish church served as a means of communication with its neighbours; and, while the tower of Edenhall Church bears evident to-kens of such utility, there yet exist at my other church at Langwathby, a morion, back, and breast-plate, which the parish were obliged to provide for a man, termed the 'Jack,' whose business it was at a certain hour in the evening to keep watch, and report below, if he perceived any signs of alarm, or indications of incursions from the Border."

South Westmorland had as its most important look-out station, Farleton Knott, where "a beacon was sustained in the days of Scot-

tish invasion, the ruddy glow of which was responded to by[Pg 14] the clang of arms and the war notes of the bugle."

5

Wardhole, now known as Warthol, near Aspatria, was once an important protection station, watch and ward being kept against the Scots; from this place "the watchmen gave warning to them who attended at the beacon on Moothay to fire the same." The ancient beacon of Moota is about three miles from Cockermouth. Dealing with the natural position of Bothel, Nicolson wrote over a century ago:--"The town stands on the side of a hill, where in old time the watch was kept day and night for seawake, which service is performed by the country beneath Derwent at this place, and above Derwent, in Copeland, at Bothil, in Millom. It is called servicium de bodis in old evidences, whereupon this hill was named the Bode-hill, and the village at the foot of it Bode-hill-ton (Bolton), or Bodorum Collis. The common people used to call a lantern a bowet, which name and word was then in use for a light on the shore

to direct sailors in the night, properly signifying a token, and not a light or lantern, as they call a message warranted by a token a bodeword, and the watchmen were called bodesmen, because they had a bode, or watchword given[Pg 15] them, to prevent the enemy's fraud in the night season."

There was a noted beacon near Bootle, from which that town took its old name--"Bothill"--the beacon being fired, upon the discovery of any ships upon the Irish Sea which might threaten an invasion, by the watchmen who lay in booths by the beacon. For the support of this service the charge or payment of seawake was provided. This payment occurs in connection with various manors; thus on an inquisition of knights' fees in Cumberland it was found that Sir William Pennington held the manor of Muncaster "of

the King as of his castle of Egremont, by the service of the sixth part of one knight's fee rendering to the King yearly for seawake

12d, and the puture of two serjeants." At the same inquiry it was certified that William Kirkby held the manor of Bolton, in the par-

ish of Gosforth, of the King "by knight's service, paying yearly 10/- cornage, and seawake, homage, suit of court, and witness-man."

He also paid two shillings seawake for other lands in the district. Many other instances of this tax for watch and ward in old days

might be quoted, but diligent search and inquiry during the last few months have failed to show that it is now exacted[Pg 16] in any

form, or when the payments were allowed to lapse.

Of watch and ward as applied to town and village life as distinct from Border service there may be found in Cumberland and

Westmorland records many very interesting and suggestive reminders. By the famous statute of Winchester it was provided that

from Ascension Day to Michaelmas in every city six men should keep watch at every gate, in every borough twelve men, and in every

other town six or four, according to the number of the inhabitants, and that these should watch the town continually all night from

the setting to the rising of the sun. This was but one of three kinds of watches, the others being kept by the town constable, and the

other set by authority of the justices. Every inhabitant was bound to keep watch in his turn, or to find another. It was specially pro-

vided that the watching and warding should be by men able of body and sufficiently weaponed, and therefore a woman required to

watch might procure one to watch for her. While the person thus chosen had to bear sundry punishments in default of carrying out

a duty which was neither pleasant nor safe, there was the wise provision that if a[Pg 17] watchman were killed in the execution of

his duty, as in endeavouring to apprehend a burglar, his executors were entitled to a reward of PS40. In the standard work by Orton's

best known former Vicar may be found two copies of Westmorland warrants, one for the keeping of watch, and the other for the

commitment of a person apprehended by the watch, while there is also a copy of an indictment for not watching. This was no mere

matter of form; for hundreds of years after King Edward instituted the system it was the chief safeguard against robbery, and in a

great many places against incursions of the enemy.

At Kendal watch and ward was strictly maintained, not for the purpose of keeping out marauding Scots or other undesirable characters, but for the maintenance of quiet and order in the streets. In 1575 the Mayor and burgesses of Kendal made the following order with reference to the watching of the borough:--

"It is ordered and constituted by the Alderman and head burgesses of this borough of Kirkby Kendal, that from henceforth nightly in the same borough at all times in the year, there shall be kept and continued one sufficient watch, the same to begin at nine of the clock of the night, and to continue until four of the clock in the morning, in which watch always there shall be six persons, viz.,[Pg

18] two for Sowtergate, two for Marketstead and Stricklandgate, and two for Stramagate, to be taken and going by course in every constablewick one after the other, and taking their charge and watchword nightly off the constables or their deputies, severally as in old times hath been accustomed; which six persons so appointed watchmen nightly shall be tall, manlike men, having and bearing with them in the same watch every one a halberd, ravenbill, axe, or other good and sufficient iron bound staff or weapon, sallett or scull upon every one his head, whereby the better made able to lay hands upon and apprehend the disordered night walkers, mal-

efactors, and suspicious persons, and to prevent and stay other inconveniences, and shall continually use to go from place to place

and through street and street within the borough during all the time appointed for their watch, upon pain to forfeit and lose to the

Chamber of this borough for every default these pains ensuing, that is to say, every householder chargeable with the watch for his

default 3s. 4d., and every watchman for his default such fine and punishment as shall be thought meet by the Alderman and head

burgesses."

Shortly before the end of 1582 the foregoing order was repealed and another regulation substituted. The material part was in the following quaint terms, the original spelling being observed:

6

"And shall contynnally goo and walk ffrome place to place in and throughe suche streete within the same boroughe as they shal be opoyntyd and assigned by the Constabull or his deputy then settinge the watch that is to say ij of them in everie suche streete in companye together[Pg 19] as they may be apoynted ffor their sayd watche vpon payne to forfeyte and losse to the Chamber of this Bourgh for everie fault dewly pved theis payns ensuinge that is to say everie householder and wedow and bachler Chargeable wth the watche for his default xijd and every watchman ffor his default such ffyne and punnyshmt as shal be thought mete by the Alderman or his deputye ffrome tyme to tyme beinge."

At Carlisle and several other places the rules for the watch were among the most interesting and important items in the whole of

the rules concerning local government. On the coast at times very vigorous action was both required and taken. At Whitehaven, in

February, 1793, a meeting of the authorities was held "in consequence of the daring attempts made by the enemy in other places and

the dangers to which the port was formerly exposed." Orders were issued for mounting all the heavy guns, and for procuring am-

munition and other stores. Thirty-six weapons were mounted in six batteries; governors of these batteries were appointed, with other

officers. A nightly watch was set, and every precaution taken to prevent a surprise, or to resist any attack which might be made on the

port. Fortunately the precautions were not put to the test.

[Pg 20]Coming down to a much later period, but still connected with the protection of the two counties, a curious incident may be

recalled, if for no other reason than that it is impossible for such a contretemps ever to occur again. In 1807, after a ballot for the

Cumberland Militia, Penrith being the headquarters, an order arrived for the recruits to be marched up to the regiment. They were,

wrote an eye witness, accordingly mustered for that purpose in marching order, and, followed by many of the populace, arrived at

Eamont Bridge, where the sister counties of Cumberland and Westmorland divide. Here there was a sudden halt. They would not

cross the bridge without their county guinea. After some altercation, and promises by Colonel Lacy and other gentlemen that they

should be paid on joining the regiment, which promises were of no avail, they were counter-marched to Penrith. For three succes-

sive days they were thus marched, and still halted at the division of the counties. The lower orders of the populace took part with

the soldiers, and a riot ensued, in which Colonel Lacy, the commanding officer, was very roughly handled. The consequence was

that a troop of Enniskillen Dragoons was sent for from Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and[Pg 21] arrived in Penrith on the morning of the

third day. A hard black frost was set in at the time, and the horses being "slape shod," they were falling in every direction. They were

marched along with the recruits, who again stopped at the bridge. The populace was still unruly; the dragoons loaded their firepieces;

the Riot Act was read, and the word "March" was given; but it was of no avail. A general cry was then raised that they would be

satisfied with the promise of Colonel Hasell of Dalemain, but of no other man. Mr. Hasell came forward, and in a short, manly ad-

dress, gave his promise that they should be paid on joining the regiment, and with cheers for the Colonel, they at once marched off.

[Pg 22]

Fighting Bishops and Fortified Churches.

THE ecclesiastical history of Cumberland and Westmorland is curiously interwoven with that of secular affairs. This to a large extent arises from the geographical position of the diocese of Carlisle--and particularly of the diocese before its extension in 1856, up to which year it was the smallest in England. The Bishop of Carlisle in bygone centuries had always to take a leading part in fighting schemes, and as the churches would be the only substantial structures in some villages, they naturally came to be put to other uses

than those of worship.

The bishopric was indeed a unique district. Carlisle was the great Border fortress of the West Marches; the Bishop was invariably a Lord Marcher, and often Captain of the Castle. In copies which Halucton (Halton) caused to be extracted from the Great Roll of the Exchequer, frequent references are made to expenses incurred during a siege. These are believed to refer to 1295-6, when the Earl of Buchan and Wallace assailed the city, and when the Bishop was[Pg 23] apparently Warden. The ecclesiasts during many hundreds of years must have been almost as familiar with the touch of armour as with that of their sacred robes. Writing on this subject over a century ago a Cumberland authority said:--

"As an example of the prevailing humour of those martial times, what sort of priest must we suppose Cressingham to have been, who never wore any coat that is accounted characteristic of a profession, but that in which he was killed, namely, an iron one. Beck, the fighting Bishop, was so turbulent a mortal that the English King, in order to keep him within bounds, was obliged to take from him a part of those possessions which he earned in battle, and in particular the livings of Penrith and Symond-Burne. But not to mention Thurstan, who fought the battle of the Standard, there are sufficient reasons for believing that most of the priests in the northern parts of England had a double profession, and they are so often mentioned as principals in these continual wars that one

7

cannot help concluding that the martial one was more attended to. When the pastors are such, what must the people be?"

There was a very interesting quarrel--the facts being too numerous to be stated here--concerning the manor of Penrith, and

those in some other parts of East Cumberland. They were in the possession of John de Baliol, by virtue of an agreement come to

between the Kings of England and Scotland, but afterwards Edward the First quarrelled with Baliol, seized his lands, and[Pg 24]

granted them to Anthony Beck, the military Bishop of Durham already mentioned. That prelate had assisted the King at the battle

of Falkirk, with a considerable number of soldiers, and was greatly instrumental in obtaining the victory. When the Parliament met

at Carlisle, however, the grant was disapproved, and as the Bishop did not attend to show by what title he had taken the lands, they

were adjudged to belong to the Crown.

The manuscripts of the Dean and Chapter of Carlisle contain many references to the knowledge of war required by the early Bishops. When Linstock was the episcopal residence, it lay exposed to the incursions of the Scots, whose respect of persons, as Mr. C. J. Ferguson has reminded us, was small. In April, 1309, Bishop Halton excused himself from obeying a summons to Parliament, plead-ing both fear of a Scots invasion and bad health as reasons. Later correspondence showed that the Bishop had been employed by the King as his deputy in suppressing outrages in the West March, and desired to be freed from some of his duties. The King therefore absolved the prelate from the duties to which he objected, but begged him to assume the[Pg 25] remainder of the offices in his commission, so as to restrain the lawlessness prevailing on both sides of the Border.

The difficulties of defence, or the constant annoyance, became so great that in 1318 Edward the Second obtained from the Pope the

appropriation to the bishopric of Carlisle of the church of Horncastle, Lincolnshire, to be a place of refuge for the Bishop and his

successors during the ravages of the northern enemy. Thomas de Lucy, upon the invasion of the Scots in 1346, "joined his strength

with the Bishop of Carlisle [Welton], and so alarmed the enemy in the night-time, by frequent entering into their quarters, that at

length they fled into their own country. And a truce shortly after ensuing, he was again joined in commission with the same Bishop

and others to see the same duly observed." The Bishop was soon afterwards constituted one of the commissioners for the arraying

of men in the counties of Cumberland and Westmorland for the defence of the Borders, the French then threatening an invasion.

With the growth of these troubles from abroad, pressure was put upon those who could raise funds, of whom Bishop Appleby

was not the least important. "Brevia de privato sigillo[Pg 26] quickly succeed one another at this time," wrote the Rev. J. Brigstocke

Sheppard, in 1881,[3] when he had gone carefully through the muniments of the Dean and Chapter. "The King, in an agony of ap-

prehension, occasioned by the threat of invasion, backed by a large fleet collected in the northern ports of France, begs the Bishop

again and again to raise a defensive militia, to cause prayers to be offered in all churches, and finally to advance him as much money

as he can upon security of the clerical disme which would soon be due." In a further letter, the King being determined to borrow

from such of his subjects as could best afford to lend, ordered the Bishop to send for six of the richest clergy and six of the most

affluent laymen in each county, and upon these twenty-four to impose a loan of fifty marks on an average--more upon those who

could afford it, and less upon those less able to bear the tax. In 1373 Bishop Appleby was enjoined by the King to reside continually

in his diocese upon the Marches, and to keep the inhabitants in a state of defence as a protection to the rest of the kingdom against the Scots.

And so through all the long list of Border[Pg 27] troubles the Bishops had to take a conspicuous share in the proceedings, until the

ludicrous incident on Penrith Fell, which was the last occasion on which a Bishop took part in fighting on English soil. Various local

chroniclers have given different versions, but there seems to be no room for doubt that the one by Chancellor Ferguson is accurate.

When in 1715 the Jacobites marched from Brampton to take Penrith, the people from all the country side (though whether the

number was 4,000 or 14,000, as variously stated, is not material), armed with guns, scythes, pitch-forks, and other handy if not always

military weapons, went on to the fell to meet the rebels. The "posse comitatus were under Lord Lonsdale and Bishop Nicolson, the

latter seated in his coach, drawn by six horses. So soon as the Highlanders appeared, the posse comitatus went away; in plain words

they skedaddled, leaving the two commanders and a few of their servants. Lord Lonsdale presently galloped off to Appleby, and the

Bishop's coachman, whipping up his horses, carried off his master willy nilly to Rose Castle. It is said the prelate lost his wig, while

shouting from the carriage window to his coachman to stop." The[Pg 28] result of this ignominious retreat was that the Jacobites

took possession of Penrith for the time being, but behaved well, their most serious action being the proclamation of James the

Third, and the capture of a lot of provisions.

From fighting prelates to fortified churches is not a long step. Three or four of these structures have come in for more notice than

the rest, although the latter cannot thereby be considered as lacking some of the most interesting features of the others. During the last thirty years the changes necessitated by restorations of churches have caused some of these relics of turbulent times to be

somewhat altered; there are still, however, numerous village structures which tell their own story much more vividly, to the trained

eye, than could be done by written record. When the late Mr. John Cory, county architect for Cumberland, read his paper on the

subject at Carlisle a quarter of a century ago, he pointed out some of the characteristics of these ancient ecclesiastical strongholds:

"The distance from each other tells of a scanty population; the deficiency of architectural decoration shows that the inhabitants of

the district were otherwise engaged than in peaceful occupations; while traces of continual repairs in[Pg 29] the fabric are evidently

8

not to be attributed to the desire shown in the churches of many southern counties to make good buildings better, but have resulted

from the necessity occasioned by the partial destruction of churches through hostile aggressions. In many instances it may be said

that the church had been erected scarcely less for the safety of the body than for the benefit of the soul."

That the abbey of Holme Cultram was once both a fortress and a church is shown to this day by the remains of earthworks which

once served for its defence. Curious entries in the parish books also indicate the bitter hatred of the Cumbrians for those from over

the Border. The value of the abbey is shown by a petition of the inhabitants of the lordship to Cromwell in 1538, when they asked

"for the preservation and standynge of the Church of Holme Cultrane before saide; whiche is not onlye unto us our parish Churche,

and little ynoughe to receyve all us, your poore Orators, but also a great ayde, socor, and defence for us agenst our neghbours the

Scots, witheaut the whiche, few or none of your Lordshipp's supplyants are able to pay the King his saide Highness our bounden

dutye and service, ande[Pg 30] wee shall not onelye praye for his graciouse noble estate, but also your Lordshipp's prosperitie with

increase of honour long to endure."

The tower of Burgh-by-Sands Church, close to the Solway, was built at the west end of the structure, with walls six feet to seven feet in thickness. A further indication of the desire for security is found in the bottoms of the windows of the church, which were placed eight feet from the ground. Entrance to the fortified tower could only be obtained through a ponderous iron door six feet eight inches high, with two massive bolts, and constructed of thick bars crossing each other, and boarded over with oak planks. As only one person at a time could gain access to the vaulted chamber, there was every possibility of offering effective opposition to attacks, while the ringing of the bells would be the signal for bringing any available help. What was true of one side of the Solway was equally true of the other, there being still traces of fortified churches on the Scottish side of the Firth.

Newton Arlosh Church is another noteworthy example of a building

"Half house of God, half castle 'gainst the Scots,"

though here the bulk of the attention would seem[Pg 31] to have been paid to bodily danger. The doorway was made only two feet six inches wide, and as at Burgh the lowest parts of the windows were placed above the reach of a man's hand--in this case the sills were seven feet from the ground. Light was of less consequence than security, and so the windows were only one foot wide, with a

height of three feet four inches.

Though further away from the Border than either of the other churches mentioned, that at Great Salkeld was peculiarly liable to attack by the Scottish raiders, as it occupies a strong position near the river Eden, whose banks seem to have been much used by the undesirable visitors. The tower is in a splendid state of preservation, although necessarily much altered, in detail, from its former condition. There were five floors, that on the ground level being a vaulted room, with a strong door of iron and oak leading into

the church. Three small apertures afforded light and opportunities for watching from the first floor, and that room also contained a fireplace. In a footnote in their "Cumberland" volume of "Magna Britannia," the brothers Lysons suggest that Great Salkeld Church might have been fortified about the time that Penrith Castle was[Pg 32] built. There is, however, no direct evidence on the point.

Dr. Todd, the former Vicar of Penrith, who was noted for his encounters with his superiors, says in his account of Great Salkeld Church, that in his time there was a place "called the Corryhole, for the correction and imprisonment of the clergy, while the Archdeacon had any power within the diocese."

Prior to the restoration of Dearham Church, the structure possessed numerous features of interest to the antiquary, some of which have necessarily been removed or altered. The lower storey of the tower consisted of a barrel-vaulted chamber, originally enclosed from the church, and entered only by a small and strongly-barred doorway, similar to that at Burgh. When the Antiquarian Society visited Dearham some twenty years ago, the late Canon Simpson drew special attention to this part of the church. He said it had unquestionably "been one of the old massive fortified towers peculiar to the Border district: from it, whilst the parishioners were being besieged, a beacon fire at the top would alarm their friends in the surrounding country." Some oak beams then seen in the tower showed signs of fire, one of them being charred half through.[Pg 33] The lower part of the tower of Brigham Church, only a

few miles from Dearham, is strongly vaulted with stone, access being obtained to the chamber above by means of a narrow door and winding stairs. From these features it has been concluded by archaeologists that this was one of the old Border fortified churches.

Further away from the Border, into Mid Westmorland, the searcher may still meet with evidences of old-time church builders having a much keener eye for the defensive qualities of their structures than for architectural beauty. Solidity was the first consideration,

and although some of them were, after all, but ill adapted for the purpose, they must have been, as the Rev. J. F. Hodgson[4] once pointed out, "much larger and stronger buildings than the wretched hovels of the common people. Their enclosures would very

generally offer the best position for defence. Among the Westmorland churches, those of Crosby Garrett (or Gerard) and Ormside,

though small, and not structurally fortified, seem unmistakably posted as citadels. Orton Church, too, both in structure and position,

is admirably situated for defence. At Brough, the church, a[Pg 34] massive and easily defensible building, is situated upon the precipi-

9

tous bank of the Hellebeck, and forms a sort of outwork of the Castle." The church at Kirkby Stephen certainly occupies a position which would give its occupants a strong hold on the Upper Eden Valley. The old church at Cliburn, on the banks of the Leath, was also probably placed there with some regard to defence. It is believed that the fine old church at Barton was used for a like purpose, and the vicar some time ago pointed out to the writer existing evidences of a large moat having probably been formed in case of necessity, the river Eamont being near enough to ensure an easy means of water supply.

There are preserved in the church of Langwathby two specimens of old Cumberland armour--a helmet and a cuirass. The villagers have versions of their own as to the wearer of these articles, but obviously the stories rest on no better foundation than that of tradition; the real explanation is, doubtless, that given by the late Rev. B. Porteus, and already quoted in the chapter on "Watch and Ward."

Above the tomb of Sir Roger Bellingham (died 1533), in Kendal Church, there is an ancient[Pg 35] helmet suspended, but whether it was put there because the helmet belonged to the knight, or as a memorial of his having been created a knight banneret on the field of battle, there has nothing come to the knowledge of local historians to enable them to decide. The popular name for the helmet, however, is "the Rebel's Cap," and following the account of Machell, who was living at the time, various writers have given different versions of a story which, though doubtless correct in its main points, is open to question on others. The version given by the late

Mr. Cornelius Nicholson[5] may be quoted, as it is the briefest:--

"In the Civil Wars of the Commonwealth, there resided in Kendal one Colonel Briggs, a leading magistrate, and an active com-

mander in the Cromwellian army. At that time, also, Robert Philipson, surnamed from his bold and licentious character, Robin the

Devil, inhabited the island on Windermere, called Belle Isle. Colonel Briggs besieged Belle Isle for eight or ten days, until the siege of Carlisle being raised, Mr. Huddleston Philipson, of Crook, hastened from Carlisle, and relieved his brother Robert. The next day,

being Sunday, Robin, with a small troop of horse, rode to Kendal to make reprisals.

"He stationed his men properly in the avenues, and himself rode directly into the church in search of Briggs, down one aisle and up another. In passing out at one of the upper doors, his head struck against the portal, when[Pg 36] his helmet, unclasped by the blow, fell to the ground and was retained. By the confusion into which the congregation were thrown, he was suffered quietly to ride out. As he left the churchyard, however, he was assaulted; his girths were cut, and he himself was unhorsed. His party now returned upon the assailants; and the Major, killing with his own hands the man who had seized him, clapped the saddle upon his horse, and, ungirthed as it was, vaulted into it, and rode full speed through the streets, calling to his men to follow him; and with his party made

a safe retreat to his asylum on the lake. The helmet was afterwards hung aloft, as a commemorating badge of sacrilegious temerity."

The episode was used by Sir Walter Scott for some particularly spirited lines in "Rokeby" (stanza 33, canto vi.), and in his notes Sir Walter explained that "This, and what follows, is taken from a real achievement of Major Robert Philipson, called from his desperate and adventurous courage Robin the Devil." A reference to the poem will show that this, as dealing with fact, can only be applied to the first sixteen lines, which run:--

"The outmost crowd have heard a sound Like horse's hoofs on hardened ground; Nearer it came, and yet more near,--

The very death's-men paused to hear.

'Tis in the churchyard now--the tread

Hath waked the dwelling of the dead!

[Pg 37]Fresh sod and old sepulchral stone

Return the tramp in varied tone.

All eyes upon the gateway hung,

When through the Gothic arch there sprung

A horseman armed, at headlong speed--

Sable his cloak, his plume, his steed.

Fire from the flinty floor was spurned;

The vaults unwonted clang returned!--

One instant's glance around he threw,

From saddle-bow his pistol drew."

Mr. Stockdale, in his "Annals of Furness," says there was a tradition in his time that the Parliamentarians in 1643 stabled three troops of horse in the nave of Cartmell Church; and there can be no doubt that to similar base uses other ecclesiastical structures in the diocese were occasionally put in turbulent times. Carlisle Cathedral was often used for purposes of war, and it was not free from

other exciting scenes. During the Commonwealth it was the centre of much rioting. George Fox preached there, and files of musket-

eers had to be brought in to clear the place of the rioters. After the ill-fated rebellion of '45, the cathedral was still further degraded,

10

being made into a prison for captured Highlanders.

[Pg 38]

Some Church Curiosities.

UNDER a great variety of divisions many curious facts connected with the old-time churches of the northern counties might be noted that cannot here be touched upon. Some of them--especially those associated with the personal aspect--had their origin

solely in the circumstances of the time; others may be traced to personal idiosyncracies; while geographical reasons may be found for a third class. With a few exceptions it has not been deemed necessary in this chapter to go beyond the Reformation. Among the records concerning Kendal Church is a reference in the Patent Rolls of 1295, in which Walter de Maydenestane is described as "parson of a moiety of the church of Kirkeby, in Kendale." An inquiry in Notes and Queries[6] brought the suggestion that probably this

was one of the places which used to have both a rector and a vicar, several instances of that arrangement having been in force being mentioned. No information was, however, forthcoming as to the Kendal case.

[Pg 39]Boy bishops are not unknown, and Westmorland affords an instance of an infant rector, the following appearing in the list for Long Marton, as compiled by Dr. Burn:--"1299. John de Medburn, an infant, was presented by Idonea de Leyburne, and the Bishop committed the custody of the said infant to a priest named William de Brampton, directing him to dispose of the profits of

the rectory in such manner as to provide for the supply of the cure, and the education of the young rector in some public school

of learning." If John de Medburn ever took up the duties of his office, it could not have been for any extended period, as another

rector was instituted in 1330.

There was a curious dispute at Holme Cultram in 1636. The Rev. Charles Robson, who five years previously had become vicar, being a bachelor of divinity, demanded that the parish should provide him with a hood proper to his degree. The parishioners objected on the ground that such a claim had never been made before, the previous vicars having provided their own hoods, and that Mr. Rob-son had on all proper occasions, as required by the canons, worn a hood of his own until within half a year of the dispute arising. A[Pg 40] case was stated and a legal opinion taken; the result was entirely against the vicar, who made his position worse, inasmuch

as it was laid down that while the churchwardens were not to provide the hood, they could be the means, through the ordinary, of compelling a priest who was a graduate to wear his hood, according to the 58th canon. Another instance of a clergyman going to law with his parishioners was that of the Rev. John Benison, vicar of Burton, who was dissatisfied with the payments of the vicarial revenues. The dispute found its way into Chancery, and Benison, in 1732, secured the following scale of payments:--"For burial in the church or churchyard shall be paid 1s., except for women who die in childbirth, for whom nothing is due. The modus for tithe

lands shall be double for the two first years after the induction of a new vicar, and every person keeping a plough shall pay yearly 1d. in lieu and full satisfaction of agistment of barren cattle."

Bishop Nicolson has left some curious pictures of the parsons in the diocese of Carlisle at the time when he made his visitation in the early years of the eighteenth century. The clergy of that time were for the most part not remarkable[Pg 41] for their learning, although there were some notable exceptions. These were the victims of circumstances; they lived in what was really a dark age,

and no one can feel surprised that so many gave way to drinking and other unclerical habits. Several, either openly or in the names of their wives, kept alehouses; there was one rather glaring instance of this kind on the western side of Cross Fell. Poverty was continually their share; an instance of the life some of them led is recorded by James Clarke,[7] of Penrith:--

"Langdale is as poor as any in these parts, except for the slate quarries, and the slaters (like the miners in Patterdale) debauch the

natives so far that even the poor curate is obliged to sell ale to support himself and family. And at his house I have played 'Barnaby'

with him on the Sabbath Day morning, when he left us with the good old song--

'I'll but preach, and be with you again.'"

William Litt (1785-1847), the author of "Henry and Mary," a story of West Cumberland life, which was very popular a generation ago, says:--"It is a well authenticated fact that a rector of Arlecdon left his pulpit for the purpose of bestowing manual correction

on one of his parishioners, whom he conceived was then insulting[Pg 42] him. The surplice, however, was such an impediment to his

usual lightness of foot that his intended victim, after a severe chase, effected his escape, and for that time eluded the chastisement in-

tended for him by his spiritual pastor." Although nothing is known as to the identity of the cleric who thus endeavoured to deal with

a supposed offender, possibly it was Thomas Baxter, who was incumbent for 62 years (1725 to 1787). He figures by name in "Henry

11

and Mary," and is represented as on one occasion reprimanding Squire Skelton, of Rowrah, very severely for swearing.

In 1653 George Fox, the founder of the Society of Friends, visited Cumberland. One Sunday afternoon he entered the church, and standing on a seat, he preached three hours to an overflowing congregation; he says in his journal, "Many hundreds were convinced that day." A short time afterwards he again visited the church on a Sunday morning, and entered into a long theological argument with Mr. Wilkinson, the vicar, who lost his dinner in consequence. The discussion continued almost to nightfall; the result seems to have been the conversion of the vicar and the majority of his congregation, as it is on[Pg 43] record that Mr. Wilkinson afterwards

became a distinguished minister of the Society of Friends.

The old customs peculiar to Cumberland and Westmorland of "Whittlegate" and "Chapel Wage" have long since passed out of the list of obligations imposed, although the rector of Brougham might still, if he wished, claim whittlegate at Hornby Hall every Sun-day. The parsons of the indifferently educated class already alluded to had to be content with correspondingly small stipends, which were eked out by the granting of a certain number of meals in the course of twelve months at each farm or other house above the rank of cottage, with, in some parishes, a suit of clothes, a couple of pairs of shoes, and a pair of clogs. Clarke gives the following explanation of the origin of the term:--

"Whittlegate meant two or three weeks' victuals at each house, according to the ability of the inhabitants, which was settled among themselves; so that the minister could go his course as regularly as the sun, and complete it annually. Few houses having more knives than one or two, the pastor was often obliged to buy his own knife or 'whittle.' Sometimes it was bought for him by the chapel wardens. He marched from house to house with his 'whittle,' seeking 'fresh fields and pastures new,' and as master of the herd, he had the elbow chair at the table head, which was often made of part of a hollow ash [Pg 44]tree--a kind of seat then common.

The reader at Wythburn had for his salary three pounds yearly, a hempen sark or shirt, a whittlegate, and a goosegate, or right to depasture a flock of geese on Helvellyn. A story is still (1789) told in Wythburn of a minister who had but two sermons which he preached in turn. The walls of the chapel were at that time unplastered, and the sermons were usually placed in a hole in the wall

behind the pulpit. One Sunday, before the service began, some mischievous person pushed the sermons so far into the hole that they

could not be got out with the hand. When the time came for the sermon, the priest tried in vain to get them out. He then turned to

the congregation, and told them what had happened. He could touch them, he said, with his forefinger, but could not get his thumb

in to grasp them; 'But, however,' said he, 'I can read you a chapter out of Job that's worth both of them put together!'"

There may be other instances of the formal appointment of females to undertake church work usually performed by the other sex, but the writer has only met with one local example, which occurs thus in the Kendal churchwardens' accounts:--"1683, June

29. It is then agreed & consented too by the major part of the churchwardens that Debora Wilkinson shall be continued saxton till next Easter, she keeping under her so sufficient a servant as shall please the Vicar & whole prish & she to give sufficient security to the churchwardens for her fidelity. As alsoe it was then[Pg 45] granted by the major parte of church wardens that the said Debora Wilkinson for her paines herein shall have & receive to her owne use for every coffin in the church 2s. 6d. (she or her deputy in take-ing up of fflaggs in the church or lying them downe to place them leveally & in good order, breaking none of them), and the said Debora or her servant shall make clean the church att all times according to the Vicar's order, and to keepe the font wth faire water, changeing itt every fforthnigh or as often as the Vicar pleaseth."

The uses of some parts of ancient buildings have puzzled gentlemen thoroughly acquainted with church architecture, for the simple reason that certain of the arrangements might have been made for a variety of purposes. Leper windows are perhaps sufficiently numerous to show the intention of the builders, but there are instances where that is not at all easy to define. The side windows in Bol-ton Church, near Wigton, one of which has been described by the Rev. Hilderic Friend as a leper window, was suggested by the late Mr. Cory as being "for such a purpose as giving out alms or receiving confession," as they always had hinges and bolts for shutters, but not[Pg 46] glass. Chancellor Ferguson put forward the further theory that as lepers could not come into the church, they made confession at these windows. Dr. Simpson rejected these statements, and said that lamps were placed in the low side windows of

some churches after funerals to scare away evil spirits--an interesting addition to North-Country folk-lore. Leprosy was apparently a serious trouble in the two counties five or six centuries ago. John de Vetripont gave to Shap Abbey the hospital of St. Nicholas, near Appleby, on condition that the abbot and convent should maintain three lepers in the hospital for ever. In 1356 Sir Adam, rector of Castlekayroke (Castle Carrock), was cited to show cause why, being seized with leprosy to such a degree that his parishioners dare

not resort to divine service, he ought not to have a coadjutor assigned him.

There are still to be found traces in some of the older churches of the rooms of anchorites. Experts have stated that the vestry at

Greystoke seems to have been used as an anchor-hold or reclusorium. It is believed that two reclusi, or inclusi, sometimes dwelt to-

gether there, one living in the vestry and the other in the room above. The latter apartment may have been used for a[Pg 47] chantry

priest, a church watcher, or a sacristan. Among the architectural curiosities of the two counties may be noted the church tower of

Kirkoswald. The parish church is built at the foot of a steep hill, facing the Eden, while the old market town is on the sharply rising

ground at the rear. The parishioners would thus have but a small chance of hearing the bells when sounded for service if they occu-

12

pied the ordinary place. Consequently for a very long time--certainly before the present church was built--the two bells have been placed in a detached tower on the top of the hill at the rear of the church, and over a hundred yards away from the building.

Many ecclesiastical buildings, from the cathedral down to the humblest village chapel-of-ease, would seem to have had curious inscriptions or pictures upon their walls. Nearly all these have disappeared, and later comers are indebted for their knowledge of what has been to such industrious chroniclers as Machell, Burn, and others. The former put on paper in 1692 the following lines, which were on the walls of the south chapel of Kirkby Lonsdale Church:--

C. W. (Arms)

16 68.

[Pg 48] "This porch by ye Banes first builded was,

Of Heighholme Hall they weare;

And after sould to Christopher Wood,

By William Bains thereof last heyre;

And is repayred as you see, And set in order good

By the true owner nowe thereof

The fore saide Christopher Wood."

As in our own day the restoration or alteration of a church frequently caused much ill-feeling in a parish, and there are records of several such "scenes" in Cumberland and Westmorland in bygone days. One such was at Sebergham, where the church was rebuilt in

1825-6, and a tower built at the west end. On the first Sunday that the edifice was opened the following protest in rhyme was found nailed to the church door:--

"The priest and the miller built the church steeple

Without the consent or good will of the people.

A tax to collect they tried to impose

In defiance of right and subversion of laws.

The matter remains in a state of suspension, And likely to be a sad bone of contention.

If concession be made to agree with us all

Let the tax be applied to build the church wall.

Churchyard wall now in a ruinous state. Sebergham High Bound, July 12, 1826."

While dealing with the architectural curiosities of North-Country churches, allusion should be[Pg 49] made to a story connected

with that at Ambleside. A piece of painted glass on the north side of the old church has a representation of what is locally known as

the carrier's arms--a rope, a wantey-hook, and five packing pricks, or skewers, these being the implements used by the carriers and

wool staplers for fastening their packing sheets together. The tradition is that when the church needed rebuilding, together with the

chapels of St. Mary Holm, Ambleside, Troutbeck, and Applethwaite, which were all destroyed or rendered unfit for divine worship,

the parish was extremely poor; the parishioners at a general meeting agreed that one church would serve the whole. The next ques-

tion was, where it should stand. The inhabitants of Undermillbeck were for having it at Bowness. The rest thought that as Troutbeck

Bridge was about the centre of the parish, it should be built there. Several meetings in consequence were held, and many disputes

and quarrels arose. At last a carrier proposed that who ever would make the largest donation towards the building should choose the

situation of the church. An offer so reasonable could hardly be refused, and many gifts were immediately named. The carrier, who

had acquired a[Pg 50] fortune by his business, heard them all, and at last declared that he would cover the church with lead. This

offer, which all the rest were either unable or unwilling to outdo, at once decided the affair. The carrier chose the situation, and his

arms (or more properly his implements) were painted on the north window of the church. Tradition adds that this man obtained the

name of Bellman, from the bells worn by the fore-horse, which he first introduced there.

Several instances of fonts having found their way from churches to private grounds have been made known during recent years, one being at Penrith, and others at Musgrave and Brough-under-Stainmore. On the western side of the county, in the grounds of Mr. T.

Dixon, Rheda, is the ancient font, dated 1578, belonging to Arlecdon Church. In the third decade of this century, says the Rev. H.

Sugden in his notes on the history of the parish, it was acting at a farm-house as a trough to catch rain-water from the roof. Subse-

quently the font was found by Mr. Dixon in a stone wall at Rowrah Hall, and was removed to its present place of safety. It seems that

the contractor who rebuilt the church in 1829, was allowed to use or dispose of any of[Pg 51] the material or contents. The font and

an ancient tombstone of the Dixons, were sold by him, and while the font was made into a water-catcher, the tombstone found its

13

way to a farm at Kirkland, where it was utilised as a sconce in the dairy. Occasionally churchwardens were guilty of what would seem to have been vandalism. At Kirkby Lonsdale (1686), they recorded the last of a Norman font:--"Received for the old font stone,

6d."

Among the regulations made by the Head Jurie of Watermillock in 1627 was this:--"Item, It is ordered by the jurie that every ten-

nent of this parish shall sitt in church in their own seats that hath formerly been set forth to their ancestors. And if any have a desire

to sitt in the Lady Porch, besides such as have their ancient Rooms therein, they shall sitt there paying yearly for the same to the use

of the Church ijd. pr Annum." The churchwardens were evidently kept close to their duties by the same authority, as may be seen

by this entry in the book:--"It is ordered that the Churchwardens of this Parish shall not be discharged of their office in any year

before the Church Stock be fully answered at the sight and judgment of the Head Jury for the time being."

[Pg 52]This action probably had its origin in the losses of public funds which had to be deplored in many parishes in consequence of the money being lent out at interest. "Culyet" is not a word to be found in the standard dictionaries of our time, although it appears in the parochial records of Millom. Canon Knowles took the word to mean the free-will offerings made from house to house, being used at Christ Church, Oxford, as the equivalent of "collecta," a collection. In some of the parishes which lent out church funds, rather heavy rates of security were exacted--at Millom the arrangement was seven and a half per cent. Hence there can be no room for surprise that so many parishes have had reason to deplore "lost stock."

Crosthwaite differed from other places in the manner of selecting and swearing the churchwardens and sidesmen, the form being settled by the Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes in Queen Elizabeth's time. They decreed "That yearly, upon Ascension Day,

the vicar, the eighteen sworn men, the churchwardens, the owner of Derwentwater estate, the sealer and receiver of the Queen's por-

tion at the mines, one of the chiefest of the company and fellowship of[Pg 53] the partners and offices of the minerals, then resiant

at Keswick, the bailiffs of Keswick, Wythburn, Borrowdale, Thornthwaite, Brundholme, and the forester of Derwent Fells, shall

meet in the church of Crosthwaite, and so many of them as shall be there assembled shall chuse the eighteen men and churchward-

ens for the year ensuing, who shall on the Sunday following before the vicar take their oath of office."

The seating of the men and women on different sides of the church was a proceeding once so common as to almost remove it from the list of curiosities. The churchwardens' books of Crosthwaite contain very minute orders as to where every person in the parish should sit, and in other places a similar rule obtained. In these days of "free and open churches" it is interesting to read of the arrangements which the churchwardens and vicar made so as to allocate every seat in St. Patrick's Church, Bampton, in 1726. The

rule appears to have been based on the land tax, and the list begins with "The Lord Vis. Lonsdale," who had one complete stall for the use of the tenants of Bampton Hall, another for Low Knipe, and other seats elsewhere. The whole of the inhabitants seem to have been provided for, the[Pg 54] catalogue concluding with a statement of the accommodation set apart for the schoolmaster of Measand and the school-dame at Roughill; the master at Bampton Grange, being an impropriator, found a place among the aristoc-racy on "the Gospel side" of the chancel.

Some quaint entries concerning the provision and cost of wine for sacred purposes--and for other uses not always answering

that description--are to be met with in several of the parochial records. In the vestry book of Cockermouth is this entry for June,

1764:--"Ordered that all the wine for the communicants be bought at one house where the Churchwardens can get it the best and

cheapest. Ordered that no wine be given to any clergyman to carry home." At one of the meetings of the Cumberland and West-

morland Antiquarian Society, the late Canon Simpson produced a paper which showed that very heavy sums, comparatively, had

been spent at Kendal in providing Communion wine. One item was for PS6, another PS9, and again PS11, while opposite one of the

entries was the remark: "That is exclusive of wine used at Easter." It was customary for the vicar or rector to give the Easter Com-

munion wine, receiving in return[Pg 55] Easter dues. On another occasion, when the Bishop of Chester was to visit the church, the

wardens ordered a bottle of sack to be placed in the vestry.

An interesting ceremony has long been gone through at Dacre Church in connection with the distribution of the Troutbeck Dole. The principal representative of the family now living is Dr. John Troutbeck, Precentor of Westminster. The Rev. Robert Troutbeck, in 1706, by his will gave to the poor of Dacre parish, the place of his nativity, a sum of money, the interest of which was ordered to be "distributed every year by the Troutbecks of Blencowe, if there should be any living, otherwise by the minister and churchward-

ens for the time being." A more curious proviso was contained in the will of John Troutbeck, made in 1787. By that document PS200

was left to the poor of the testator's native parish, and the interest was ordered to be "distributed every Easter Sunday, on the family

tombstone in Dacre churchyard, provided the day should be fine, by the hands and at the discretion of a Troutbeck of Blencowe,

if there should be any living, those next in descent having prior right of distribution. If none should be living that would distribute

the[Pg 56] money, then by a Troutbeck as long as one could be found that would take the trouble of it; otherwise by the minister

and churchwardens of the parish for the time being; that not less than five shillings should be given to any individual, and that

none should be entitled to it who received alms, or any support from the parish." The custom was carried out in due form on the

"through-stone" last Easter.

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Kirkby Stephen, up to about sixty years ago, had a very curious custom--the payment, on a fixed day every year, upon a tombstone still in the churchyard, of the parishioners' tithe. The late Mr. Cornelius Nicholson, in a now scarce pamphlet on Mallerstang Forest, gave the following account of the observance:--

"The tombstone is unhewn millstone grit, covered with a limestone slab, whereon a heraldic shield was once traceable, supposed to indicate the ownership of the Whartons. Tradition says, however, that it is older than the tombs in the Wharton Chapel. Among the parishioners it went popularly by the name of the great 'truppstone,' a corruption perhaps of 'through-stone.' It is certain, however--and this is the gist of the story--that for generations, time out of mind, the money in lieu of tithes of hay was here regularly

paid to the incumbent of the church on Easter Monday. The grey coats of this part of Westmorland assembled punctually as Easter

Monday came round, and there and then tendered to the[Pg 57] vicar their respective quotas of silver. Some agreement, oral or writ-

ten, must have been made between the parties, which does not now appear. The practice became the law of custom. The payment

was called a modus in lieu of hay tithe. I find that when Lord Wharton purchased the advowson at the dissolution of monasteries

the tithes of corn and hay were excepted from the conveyance, which points to this customary modus on the 'truppstone.' If this

reference be correct, the curious custom dates back to the time of Henry the Eighth, and perhaps farther back, and gives it a continuance of some 300 years.

"We don't know its origin, but we do know its extinction. When the Rev. Thomas P. Williamson became vicar, in the first decade of this century, a quarrel arose between him and the tithe-payers as to this modus. Law proceedings were threatened, and some prelimi-naries were taken. The parishioners, notwithstanding, attended on Easter Monday as before, and tendered their doles. The vicar also attended, but determinedly refused the money, until his death in 1835, which put a stop to the custom. After his death, the vicar's widow set up a claim for the arrears, which had been offered and refused, so she took nothing by her motion. In 1836 all the tithes were commuted in England, under the provision of the Tithes Commutation Act, carried into execution by a Cumberland M.P., Mr. Aglionby, whom I knew very well, in Lord John Russell's Ministry. These particulars of the 'truppstone' were furnished me by Mr. Matthew Thompson, Kirkby Stephen, one of the county magistrates, who himself--and this clenches it as a fact--yearly attended in the churchyard, with his quota, and who was present on the very last occasion."

An incident which in some respects has had at[Pg 58] least one counterpart within recent years is recorded as happening at Little Salkeld towards the end of the fourteenth century. The little chapel there was "desecrated and polluted by the shedding of blood," and as the parish church of Addingham was a considerable distance, the vicar was allowed to officiate in his own vicarage-house "till the interdict should be taken off from the chapel."

There is a curious story attaching to some of the woodwork of Greystoke Church. The misereres under the choir stalls are very quaintly carved, and one of them, "the pelican in her piety," was for many years used as the sign of an inn near the church. From this circumstance the hostelry lost its old name, the "Masons' Arms," and acquired the modern one of the "Pelican."

Although schools in churches were very common, the holding of Courts in such buildings could not have been frequent. At Raven-

stonedale, where numerous customs peculiar to the parish or immediate district prevailed, the people had a strong belief in home

rule, and insisted on having it. In the old church there were two rows of seats below the Communion table, where the steward of the

manor and jury sat in their Court[Pg 59] of Judicature in the sixteenth century. The malefactors were imprisoned in a hollow arched

vault, the ruins of which were to be seen not much more than a quarter of a century ago on the north side of the church. There was

so much wrangling over cases, and the manifestation of such a bad spirit, which the parishioners felt was unbecoming and unsuited

to such an edifice, that they petitioned Lord Wharton, the lord of the manor, to have the trying of cases removed to a house belong-

ing to him which stood near the church. This was granted, and subsequently the Court was held in the village inn and other places.

"A gentleman who carries out archidiaconal functions," is the familiar, though vague, definition of an archdeacon in our own time, but a couple of centuries ago that church official had very definite duties and powers. As Mr. G. E. Moser, solicitor, Kendal, once reminded the members of the two counties' Archaeological Society, the visits of the Archdeacon of Richmond to Kendal--where he sentenced offenders from his chair of state erected in the High Quire--were looked forward to with awe and reverence. The churchwardens' books contain the following among other entries:--"Paid for bent to strawe in the High[Pg 60] Quire against Sir Joseph [Cradock] came." "Paid to the Churchwardens, which they laid out when they delivered their presentments to Sir Joseph Cradock." "Paid for washing and sweeping the Church against Sir Joseph's coming to sitt his Court of Correction, which was the 7 July, 1664." "At the peremptory day, being the 18th day of October, 1664, the general meeting of the churchwardens, whose names are herunder written doth order that Geo. Wilkinson shall keep the clock and chimes in better order, and shall keep swine out of the churchyard, and whip the dogs out of the church in time of divine service and sermon, and remove the dunghill and the stable-door which

opens into the churchyard before the next peremptory day, and reform all abuses belonging to his office, or else the Churchwardens will make complaint so that it shall be referred to the ordinary."

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Chancellor Ferguson told the members that he had found in some documents, relating to an unnamed Cumberland church, an

order that no swine should be allowed in the churchyard unless they had rings in their noses! There are many reminders available

of the days when rushes or other growths were put on church floors, by such[Pg 61] entries as that in Waberthwaite registers, dated

1755:--"Bent bought, 12d." At Millom there are charges for dressing the church. Between 1720 and 1783 there are several entries

in the Hawkshead registers with reference to "strawing the church"--meaning the covering of the floor with rushes. There are also

here, as at Penrith and some other places, allusions to payments for collecting moss, with which the rain was often kept out of the

churches.

It was, even within the last half century, a common occurrence for dogs to accompany their owners to church, but the officials did

not appreciate the custom. Mr. John Knotts, in 1734, left an estate at Maulds Meaburn for the use of the poor of the township, from

which five shillings yearly had to be paid for keeping dogs out of Crosby Ravensworth Church. The legality of the will was disputed

on a technicality, and the heir-at-law paid a sum of money instead, which was invested, but how long the crown was paid for anti-dog

purposes is not known. The Rev. J. Wilson wrote in his parochial magazine a few years ago:--"In the olden days in Dalston there

was an officer whose duty it was to whip dogs out of church during service time, and, strange as it may[Pg 62] seem, the custom

under another name and in somewhat altered guise existed till the old church was demolished in 1890. The parish dog-whipper had

PS1 a year for his salary during the latter portion of the 18th century, when the duties of the office were extended to other matters. In

the parish accounts the following entry occurs: 'May 3, 1753 John Gate for whipping the Dogs out of church, opening and shutting

ye sashes, sweeping ye church &c. for one year, PS01 00 00.' The same entry occurs regularly every year till 1764, when his widow

undertakes the job: 'May 6th 1764 Wid: Gate for whipping ye Dogs out of ye church, opening and shutting ye sashes, sweeping ye

church PS01 00 00.' The office of dog-whipper continues to be mentioned every year till 1774, when it disappears, and the entry is

changed to: 'May 1, 1774, Wid: Gate for cleaning ye church PS01 00 00.'" The church records show that at Penrith an annual payment

of two shillings was made for many years to the dog-whipper. Among the items bearing on church expenses contained in the Tor-

penhow registers in 1759, was an annual allowance of 5s. to the sexton for whipping dogs out of the church, and that he might the

more efficiently do his work he was[Pg 63] granted an extra allowance of 3d. for a whip and 2d. for a thong. There is an item in the

Waberthwaite records which runs:--"According to the canons laitly sett down, four sydmen [synodsmen] are to be appointed every

year, one of whose duties is to keepe the dogges out of the chirche, 1605." At Hawkshead a dog-whipper was provided from 1723

to 1784. If the following paragraph, which appeared in the Cumberland Pacquet, in January, 1817, may be believed, there was at least

one dog which would not incur the wrath of either parson or dog-whipper:--"Mr. William Wood of Asby, parish of Arlecdon, has

a cur dog which for these four years past has regularly attended church, if within hearing of the bells; and what is more singular, the

animal never misses going to his master's seat whether any of the family attend or not."

[Pg 64]

Manorial Laws and Curiosities of Tenures.

NO doubt because of the proximity of the district to the Border, the tenures by which certain properties were held in Cumberland and Westmorland must be regarded as quite local in their character. The observances are, of course, all the more interesting on that account, and even in cases for which parallels are to be found in other parts of the kingdom, little peculiarities may sometimes be seen in local instances which throw light on the former habits of the people. Lords of manors were once individuals possessed of great powers. The lords of Millom held their property for hundreds of years, and had jura regalia within the seignory, in memory of which a modern stone erected at Gallow, half a mile below Millom Castle, has the inscription,

"Here the Lords of Millom exercised jura regalia."

The lord of the manor of Troutbeck, Windermere, is also believed to have formerly exercised a jurisdiction over capital offences.

Where such powers existed, it is by no means[Pg 65] surprising that the homage exacted from tenants and servitors on various occasions was of a character that in modern days would be regarded as extremely degrading. Thus when a free tenant went to his lord's residence to do homage according to custom and duty, he was ushered into the presence of his superior without sword or other arms, and with his head uncovered. The lord remained seated, and the tenant with profound reverence knelt before the great man. With his clasped or joined hands placed between those of the lord, the homager repeated the following vow, which seems to have been in practically the same terms in various manors:--"I become your man from this day forward, for life, for member, and for worldly honour, and unto you shall be true and faithful, and bear you faith for the lands that I hold of you, saving the faith that

I owe to our Sovereign Lord the King." The lord, still sitting, then kissed the tenant, as a token of his approbation. In Cumberland

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and Westmorland there are several villages named Carleton, this being one of the reminders of the days of serfdom. The carls were simply the basest sort of servants--practically slaves.