The New Progressivism

The New Progressivism
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Political parties that once dominated Western democracies have been shaken to the core. Many have suffered electoral debacles, as in France, Italy and Greece, while mainstream political parties in the UK and the US have found themselves struggling to cope with outcomes – in the form of Brexit and the election of Trump – that were not anticipated. We are witnessing nothing less than the exhaustion of a century-old cleavage between traditional left and right parties due to their inability to perceive and tackle present-day challenges, such as declining social mobility, mounting environmental crises, rising geographic inequality, tensions over migration and multiculturalism, etc. The ‘populists’, from Salvini and Le Pen to Trump and Bolsonaro, were the first to understand this and supply an alternative.<br /> <br /> But contrary to what many observers now predict, we are not doomed to witness the replacement of the ancient political order by the populists’ rise to power. In France, Emmanuel Macron launched a new movement that stopped them. Though things have sometimes been tough, ‘En Marche!’ has successfully implemented an entirely new programme of reforms and has been given some comfort by recent election results. In this short book, David Amiel and Ismaël Emelien – two of Macron’s closest advisers and key architects of ‘En Marche!’ – build on this experiment and reflect on its successes and failures to define a new grassroots progressivism for Western countries based on three principles and ranging from public policies to electoral strategy, from ideology to party organization. <br /> <br /> This could form the bedrock for a wider counter-offensive against the populism of our times.

Оглавление

David Amiel. The New Progressivism

CONTENTS

Guide

Pages

The New Progressivism. A Grassroots Alternative to the Populism of Our Times

Acknowledgements

Introduction

1 The society of frustration

The strange split between left and right

The promise betrayed

Social, geographical and economic immobility

The invisible culprit

Political monopolies

Notes

2 Maximizing possibilities (or the first principle of progressivism)

Equality of opportunity is not an opportunity for equality

The cult of education rather than the cult of qualifications

Innovation versus monopoly

Positive discrimination is still discrimination

Tomorrow, augmented humanity?

Notes

3 There are more possibilities when we act together (or the second principle of progressivism)

Globalization without submission

Diversity without division

The individual without individualism

Notes

4 Starting from the bottom (or the third principle of progressivism)

The new administration

How can all this be changed?

The new mediating bodies, the new local democracy

The new pyramid of powers

New political movements

From fake politics to fake news

What is the point?

Notes

5 Populist suicide

From frustration to revolt

No barracks, kolkhoz or convent

Building up a majority

Notes

Conclusion

Notes

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David Amiel

Ismaël Emelien

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This seems counter-intuitive. Many believe that electoral victory cannot be won without falling back on the tricks used by the populists: the lie (euphemized as ‘alternative truth’); demagogy; and a virulent nationalism, often tinged with racism. In short, there is a widespread feeling that progressivists cannot win elections unless they ape their opponents. In 2017, Macron demonstrated that this was false: you can win by telling the truth, by avoiding engaging in personal attacks, trusting the intelligence of voters — and even by showing goodwill! You can win, above all, if you put forward a positive, exciting programme, one which touches the citizens’ heartfelt expectations and is not limited to denouncing the madness of populists, or opportunistically welding together mere fragments of the electorate.

The same people assume that, once power has been won, the advantage will now lie with the progressivists, who will be able to draw on their skill, if not their experience, to run public affairs — while populists are often short of such skill and experience. Everyone can still remember how long the Trump administration needed to set itself up, or the game of musical chairs that ministers in the Brazilian populist Bolsonaro’s government indulged in just weeks after it took office. Again, these people are wrong. Implementing progressivism is a daunting task. Progressivism is not a conservatism and, if it is to transform society, it needs to overcome all the forces of inertia ranged against it — particular interests, of course, but also, quite simply, habits. It must break with the politics of the old school, and in doing so it runs the risk of attracting the wrath of all the old guard, who hate the fact that the game is no longer played by the rules they had learned by heart and that they thought were immutable. But progressivism cannot resort to the simple slogans of populism, since society is not changed for the better by angry tweets or capricious decisions.

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