After the Decolonial

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David Lehmann. After the Decolonial

CONTENTS

Guide

Pages

Dedication

After the Decolonial. Ethnicity, Gender and Social Justice in Latin America

Preface: In the time of COVID

Acknowledgements

List of Abbreviations

Glossary

Introduction

The institutional and social setting

Critique of the decolonial

The colonial in anthropology

Popular religion, culture and ethnicity

Race, ethnicity and gender: in search of social justice

Evangelical Christianity

Indigenous movements and democracy

Notes

1 The Latin American Decolonial. The ‘decolonial’ in universalist mode: Said and Fanon

Said as liberal

Fanon as psychiatrist

Fanon as universalist

Fanon and Sartre: blacks and Jews

Fanon as sociologist

Latin American and Latin Americanist postcolonial theories

Quijano, Mignolo, Santos

The grounded decolonial

Philosophical lineage

Levinas and the decolonials

The true taboo-breakers: autonomous feminism takes on the world

Global feminism under fire

What if the Conquest had not happened?

Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui: gender, race and class

Intersectionality

Cultural and ethnic difference also intersect

Notes

2 Indigeneity, Gender and Law

The colonial in modern Mexican social science

Deep Mexico

The Zapatista uprising of 1994 in Southern Mexico. Indigenism in government and in scholarship

The Zapatista army as social movement

Interculturalidad: cultural difference in knowledge, education and law

Epistemology

Culture versus epistemology

The consciousness-raising role of interculturalidad

Anthropology, indigenism and gender

Legal pluralism as ventriloqual universalism. Normative questions, with special reference to India

Mexico

Colombia

Bolivia and ‘prior consultation’

State-sponsored indigenous classification

Brazil

Chile

Conclusion

Notes

3 Religion and Culture: Popular, Indigenous and Hegemonic. Indigenous religion is also popular Catholicism

The dialectic of the erudite and the popular

Bolivia: a crucible for the intellectual, anthropological and political intersections of ethnicity and authenticity

The authentic Indian, the Oruro Carnival and Pachamama: positioning the observer

Evo Morales: divisive but also a unifier

MAS and gender equality: tensions and intersections

Populism with an indigenist face

Conclusion

Notes

4 From Popular Culture to the Cultures of the People: Evangelical Christianity as a Challenge to the Decolonial. Pentecostalism and neo-Pentecostalism

The break with popular culture

Pentecostalism and Indian populations

Pentecostalism on the edge of the ‘abyss’: prisons and the drugs traffic

Conclusion

Notes

Conclusion: Democratizing Democracy

The decolonial

A discrete universalism

Gender

Women in religion and social movements

After the decolonial

Notes

References

Index. A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

I

J

L

M

N

O

P

Q

R

S

U

Z

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For Maxine Molyneuxandin memory of Guillermo O’Donnell

It has been an intellectual, professional and personal roller-coaster rising and falling between ephemeral victories of progress and justice and long periods of despondency – the pain of Chile’s September 1973, of Argentina’s dirty war, of Peru’s Sendero Luminoso … Few of us do not have friends and colleagues who have suffered exile, imprisonment, torture and death, and that was before the unspeakable, indescribable cruelty of the current occupant of the Brazilian presidency and the irresponsibility of his Mexican counterpart, together presiding over the deaths of hundreds of thousands from disease and organized violence – a multiple of all the dictatorships together.

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The decolonial concept of indigeneity sets aside the multi-directional influences whereby, in the field of religion, popular Catholicism incorporates indigenous ritual and ceremony and indigenous ceremonies incorporate Catholic practices shaped by centuries of mixture. Outsiders are alert to the colonial or indigenous origins of the practices and symbols they observe, but those who perform them – whether they think of themselves as indios, cholos or mestizos2 – seem uninterested in such questions of authenticity. The discussion becomes even more convoluted when ethno-historians tell us that urban intellectuals in Bolivia are misinterpreting indigenous concepts like the now globalized Pachamama, or when we learn that indigenous healers in Chile, practising out of dedicated spaces in public hospitals and travelling the globe to administer their herbal remedies, are sought out by people who make no claim to an indigenous heritage at all.3

As with religion, so with race and ethnicity. The field is riven with markers of inequality, yet the frontiers are porous. Using a Bolivian case, I describe the perpetual exchanges of ethnic symbols and markers and the ways in which they serve nevertheless to solidify social inequalities and racial exclusion, something that cannot be said of art, music, dance and civic commemorations. Evo Morales solved the problem by inventing a pan-ethnic indigenism which gathered all the country’s indigenous peoples, indeed the entire population (except the lowland rancher elite) under its wing. Like the country’s nationalist 1952 revolution, which gave birth to a mestizo middle class, the new ideology disregarded the internal inequalities and fractures of the coalition, especially the lowland Amazonian Indians, and oversaw the continued development of a burguesía criolla – imperfectly translated as a ‘Creole bourgeoisie’.4 Morales made his political career as leader of the tightly organized and hierarchical coca growers’ association (the cocaleros) fighting for freedom to grow their crops. The coca leaf was a useful cultural symbol – the first of many deployed by Evo – but their demands were not cultural – they wanted freedom to grow and sell their crop and the cancellation of the government’s agreement with the United States to destroy their plantations.

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