The Workfare State
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Eva Bertram. The Workfare State
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The Workfare State
Series Editors: Richard Valelly, Pamela Brandwein, Marie Gottschalk, Christopher Howard
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These Southern lawmakers’ policy decisions in the first three decades of the New Deal system reveal clear priorities.58 They wanted to increase federal funds for those they considered truly “unemployable” and permanently outside of the labor force—namely, those physically unable to earn wages. And they wanted to ensure that others—including most single mothers with care-giving obligations—would work: they were not persuaded that these families should receive aid on the same terms as other categories of the “unemployable” poor. These priorities translated into active Southern support for the programs for the elderly, blind, and disabled poor, and deep suspicion of the ADC program. On five occasions in the 1950s, Southern and Western congressional leaders led the charge for increases in public assistance funding—particularly for the favored categories of elderly and disabled poor—that were not requested by the Truman administration, and that were opposed (to the point of a veto threat) by the Eisenhower administration.59
Southern Democrats were successful in increasing aid for the elderly and disabled poor through the 1950s, but they were frustrated by the growth of ADC. Over time, they became convinced that the answer was to change federal policy to restrict aid to and require work of ADC recipients.60 Federal policy, however, regarded poor, single-mother families as one of the original categories of “unemployables” eligible for public assistance. Southerners had little chance to challenge these categories—until the 1960s, and reforms introduced by the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.
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