Sovereign Soldiers
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Grant Madsen. Sovereign Soldiers
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Sovereign Soldiers
POLITICS, AND SOCIETY
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The outbreak of hostilities in Europe in the summer of 1914 made MacArthur’s position especially interesting. Initially, President Woodrow Wilson struggled to keep the United States out of the war, suspecting the motives of all the belligerents. Yet other prominent Americans feared that eventually the United States would be dragged into the conflict. In particular, Theodore Roosevelt, Stimson, and Wood—all out of office by 1914—argued that the army should actively prepare for that eventuality. Wilson would have none of it. As if to emphasize his feelings he refused to meet with his military leaders with any regularity; worse, he threatened to fire any military leaders caught making contingency plans in case war came.48 In theory, the Joint Army and Navy Board should have allowed for some provisional discussions of American involvement in the war. Here, again, the Wilson administration remained intentionally unprepared. Assistant Secretary of War Henry Breckinridge summed up the views of the Wilson administration: he only “fooled with” the board “on hot summer afternoons when there was nothing else to do.”49
When Germany’s decision to unleash unlimited submarine warfare forced Wilson’s into the war on the side of the British and French Entente, the army suddenly found itself facing a first-rate opponent on the other side of a wide ocean. Unsurprisingly, the broader national security state remained extraordinarily unprepared. When Congress declared war on April 6, 1917, the combined army and National Guard had a little over 200,000 men under arms. By comparison, at that same moment the Niville Offensive in Europe cost the Germans, British, and French more than 400,000 casualties. America’s pittance of an army could not have lasted a single battle in the kind of grinding war Europeans had endured since 1914.50
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