Society in America in two volumes by Harriet Martineau provides an interesting take on social life and customs in early 19th century America. Martineau, who was a radical feminist especially for her time, took a travel through a merely fifty-year-old United States, observing and noticing changes in society and direction in which the country is heading. Her goal was to compare the existing state of society in America with the principles on which it is professedly founded. Martineau covers various topics from politics and economy to the growth of civilization and an influence of religion on it. She perceives that religion plays a peculiar and prominent role in the society; people are not sure how to think of slavery; women live wretched lives, but she points out the potential in their eventual rise. The book is considered a significant contribution to the field of sociology.
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Harriet Martineau. Society in America
Society in America
Table of Contents
Volume 1
Table of Contents
INTRODUCTION
PART I. POLITICS
FOOTNOTE:
CHAPTER I. PARTIES
FOOTNOTE:
CHAPTER II. APPARATUS OF GOVERNMENT
SECTION I. THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT
SECTION II. THE EXECUTIVE
SECTION III. STATE GOVERNMENTS
FOOTNOTES:
CHAPTER III. MORALS OF POLITICS
SECTION I. OFFICE
SECTION II. NEWSPAPERS
SECTION III. APATHY IN CITIZENSHIP
SECTION IV. ALLEGIANCE TO LAW
SECTION V. SECTIONAL PREJUDICE
SECTION VI. CITIZENSHIP OF PEOPLE OF COLOUR
SECTION VII. POLITICAL NON-EXISTENCE OF WOMEN
FOOTNOTE:
PART II. ECONOMY
FOOTNOTES:
CHAPTER I. AGRICULTURE
SECTION I. DISPOSAL OF LAND
SECTION II. RURAL LABOUR
FOOTNOTES:
Volume 2
Table of Contents
PART II. CONTINUED
CHAPTER II. TRANSPORT AND MARKETS
SECTION I. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS
FOOTNOTES:
CHAPTER III. MANUFACTURES
SECTION I. THE TARIFF
SECTION II. MANUFACTURING LABOUR
FOOTNOTES:
CHAPTER IV. COMMERCE
SECTION I. THE CURRENCY
SECTION II. REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE
FOOTNOTES:
CHAPTER V. MORALS OF ECONOMY
SECTION I. MORALS OF SLAVERY
SECTION II. MORALS OF MANUFACTURES
SECTION III. MORALS OF COMMERCE
FOOTNOTES:
PART III. CIVILISATION
CHAPTER I. IDEA OF HONOUR
SECTION I. CASTE
SECTION II. PROPERTY
SECTION III. INTERCOURSE
FOOTNOTES:
CHAPTER II. WOMAN
SECTION I. MARRIAGE
SECTION II. OCCUPATION
SECTION III. HEALTH
FOOTNOTES:
CHAPTER III. CHILDREN
FOOTNOTE:
CHAPTER IV. SUFFERERS
CHAPTER V. UTTERANCE
FOOTNOTE:
PART IV
CHAPTER I. RELIGION
FOOTNOTE:
CHAPTER I. SCIENCE OF RELIGION
CHAPTER II. SPIRIT OF RELIGION
FOOTNOTES:
CHAPTER III. ADMINISTRATION OF RELIGION
FOOTNOTES:
CONCLUSION
NOTE
APPENDIX
A
B
C
D
E
F
FOOTNOTES:
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Harriet Martineau
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The vagueness of the antagonism between the two parties is for some time perplexing to the traveller in America; and he does not know whether to be most amazed or amused at the apparent triviality of the circumstances which arouse the strongest party emotions. After a while, a body comes out of the mystery, and he grasps a substantial cause of dissension. From the day when the first constitution was formed, there have been alarmists, who talk of a "crisis:" and from the day when the second began its operations, the alarm has, very naturally, taken its subject matter from the failure of the first. The first general government came to a stand through weakness. The entire nation kept itself in order till a new one was formed and set to work. As soon as the danger was over, and the nation proved, by the last possible test, duly convinced of the advantages of public order, the timid party took fright lest the general government should still not be strong enough; and this tendency, of course, set the hopeful party to watch lest it should be made too strong. The panic and antagonism were at their height in 1799.[2] A fearful collision of parties took place, which ended in the establishment of the hopeful policy, which has continued, with few interruptions, since. The executive patronage was retrenched, taxes were taken off, the people were re-assured, and all is, as yet, safe. While the leaders of the old federal party retired to their Essex junto, and elsewhere, to sigh for monarchy, and yearn towards England, the greater number threw off their fears, and joined the republican party. There are now very few left to profess the politics of the old federalists. I met with only two who openly avowed their desire for a monarchy; and not many more who prophesied one. But there still is a federal party, and there ever will be. It is as inevitable that there will be always some who will fear the too great strength of the state governments, as that there will be many who will have the same fear about the general government. Instead of seeing in this any cause for dismay, or even regret, the impartial observer will recognise in this mutual watchfulness the best security that the case admits of for the general and state governments preserving their due relation to one another. No government ever yet worked both well and indisputably. A pure despotism works (apparently) indisputably; but the bulk of its subjects will not allow that it works well, while it wrings their heads from their shoulders, or their earnings from their hands. The government of the United States is disputed at every step of its workings: but the bulk of the people declare that it works well, while every man is his own security for his life and property.
The extreme panic of the old federal party is accounted for, and almost justified, when we remember, not only that the commerce of England had penetrated every part of the country, and that great pecuniary interests were therefore everywhere supposed to be at stake; but that republicanism, like that which now exists in America, was a thing unheard of—an idea only half-developed in the minds of those who were to live under it. Wisdom may spring, full-formed and accomplished, from the head of a god, but not from the brains of men. The Americans of the Revolution looked round upon the republics of the world, tested them by the principles of human nature, found them republican in nothing but the name, and produced something, more democratic than any of them; but not democratic enough for the circumstances which were in the course of arising. They saw that in Holland the people had nothing to do with the erection of the supreme power; that in Poland (which was called a republic in their day) the people were oppressed by an incubus of monarchy and aristocracy, at once, in their most aggravated forms; and that in Venice a small body of hereditary nobles exercised a stern sway. They planned something far transcending in democracy any republic yet heard of; and they are not to be wondered at, or blamed, if, when their work was done, they feared they had gone too far. They had done much in preparing the way for the second birth of their republic in 1789, and for a third in 1801, when the republicans came into power; and from which date, free government in the United States may be said to have started on its course.
