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THE LIVES OF

THE III. NORMANS, KINGS OF

England:

William the first. William the second. Henrie the first.

Written by I. H.

Mart. Improbe facit qui in alieno libro ingeniosus est.

P IMPRINTED AT LONDON BY R.B. ANNO 1613.

Table of Contents

Dedication William the first William the second Henry the first Footnotes

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TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTIE Prince

CHARLES

Prince of Wales.

Most Illustrious Prince:

vr late, too late borne, or too soone dying Prince, Henry of famous memorie, your deceased brother, sent for mee, a few monethes before his death. And at my second comming to his presence, among some other speeches, hee complained much of our Histories of England; and that the English Nation, which is inferiour to none in Honourable actions, should be surpassed by all, in leauing the memorie of them to posteritie. For this cause hee blamed the negligence of former ages: as if they were ignorant of their owne deseruings, as if they esteemed themselues vnworthie of their worth.

I answered, that I conceiued these causes hereof; One, that men of sufficiencie were otherwise employed; either in publicke affaires, or in wrestling with the world, for maintenance or encrease of their priuate estates. Another is, for that men might safely write of others in a tale, but in maner of a History,4 safely they could not: because, albeit they should write of men long since dead, and whose posteritie is cleane worne out; yet some aliue, finding themselues foule in those vices, which they see obserued, reproued, condemned in others; their guiltinesse maketh them apt to conceiue, that whatsoeuer the words are, the finger pointeth onely at them. The last is, for that the Argument of our English historie hath bene so soiled heretofore by some vnworthie writers, that men of qualitie may esteeme themselues discredited by dealing in it.

And is not this (said he) an errour in vs, to permit euery man to be a writer of Historie? Is it not an errour to be so curious in other matters, and so carelesse in this? We make choise of the most skilfull workemen to draw or carue the portraiture of our faces, and shall euery artlesse Pensell delineate the disposition of our minds? Our apparell must be wrought by the best Artificers, and no

soile must be suffered to fall vpon it: and shall our actions, shall our conditions be described by euery bungling hand? Shall euery filthie finger defile our reputation? Shall our Honour be basely buried in the drosse of rude and absurd writings? Wee are carefull to prouide costly Sepulchers, to preserue our dead liues, to preserue some memorie what wee haue bene: but there is no monument, either so durable, or so largely extending, or so liuely and faire, as that which is framed by a fortunate penne; the memory of the greatest Monuments had long since perished, had it not bene preserued by this meanes.

To this I added; that I did alwayes conceiue, that we should make our reckoning of three sorts of life: the short life of nature, the long life of fame, and the eternall life of glorie. The life of glorie is so farre esteemed before the other two, as grace is predominant in vs: the life of fame before our naturall life is so farre esteemed, as a generous spirit surmounteth sensualitie; as humane nature ouerruleth brutish disposition. So farre as the noble nature of man hath dominion in our minds, so farre do we contemne, either the

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incomodities, or dangers, or life of our body, in regard of our reputation and fame. Now seeing this life of fame is both preserued and enlarged chiefly by history; there is no man (I suppose) that will either resist, or not assist, the commendable or at5 least tolerable writing thereof, but such as are conscious to themselues, either that no good, or that nothing but ill, can bee reported of them. In whom notwithstanding it is an errour to thinke, that any power of the present time, can either extinguish or obscure the memorie of times succeeding. Posteritie will giue to euery man his due: Some ages hereafter will affoord those, who will report vnpartially of all. Then he questioned whether I had wrote any part of our English Historie, other then that which had been published; which at that time he had in his hands. I answered, that I had wrote of certaine of our English Kings, by way of a briefe description of their liues: but for historie, I did principally bend, and binde my selfe to the times wherein I should liue; in which my owne obseruations might somewhat direct me: but as well in the one as in the other I had at that time perfected nothing.

To this he said; that in regard of the honour of the time, hee liked well of the last; but for his owne instruction, he more desired the first: that he desired nothing more then to know the actions of his Auncestours; because hee did so farre esteeme his descent from them, as he approached neere them in honourable endeauours. Hereupon, beautifying his face with a sober smile, he desired mee, that against his returne from the progresse then at hand, I would perfect somewhat of both sorts for him, which he promised amply to requite; and was well knowen to be one who esteemed his word aboue ordinary respects. This stirred in mee, not onely a will, but power to perfourme; so as engaging my duety farre aboue the measure either of my leisure or of my strength, I finished the liues of these three Kings of Norman race, and certaine yeeres of Queene Elizabeths Reigne.

At his returne from the Progresse to his house at S. Iames, these pieces were deliuered vnto him; which hee did not onely courteously, but ioyfully accept. And because this seemed a perfect worke, he expressed a desire that it should be published. Not long after he died; and with him died both my endeauours and my hopes. His death, alasse! hath bound the liues of many vnto death, face to face; being no wayes able, either by forgetfulnesse to couer their griefe, or to diminish it with consideration.

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For in trueth he was a Prince of a most Heroical heart: Free from many vices which sometimes accompanie high estates, full of most amiable and admirable vertues: of whose perfections the world was not worthy. His eyes were full of pleasant modestie; his countenance manly beautifull; in bodie both strongly and delicately made; in behauiour sweetely sober, which gaue grace to whatsoeuer he did. He was of a discerning wit; and for the facultie of his mind, of great capacitie and power, accompanied with equall expedition of will: much foreseeing in his actions, and for passions a commander of himselfe; and of good strength to resist the power of prosperitie. In counsaile he was ripe and measured, in resolution constant, his word euer led by his thought, and followed by his deede. And albeit hee was but yong and his nature forward and free, yet his wisedome reduced both to a true temper of moderation; his desires being neuer aboue his reason, nor his hopes inferiour to his desires. In a word, hee was the most faire fruit

of his Progenitours, an excellent ornament of the present age, a true mirrour to posteritie: being so equally both setled to valour, and disposed to goodnesse and Iustice, as hee expressed not onely tokens, but proofes, both of a courage, and of a grauitie and industrie right worthie of his estate.

Glorious Prince, my loue and duety hath caried me further, then happily is fit for the present purpose: and yet this is but an earnest onely of my earnest affection and zeale to thy Honour. I shall hereafter haue a more proper place to display at large, the goodli-nesse of thy shape, the goodnesse of thy nature, the greatnesse of thy minde: all thy perfections, whereby our affections were much

enflamed. And euillworthy may he be of any happy hopes, who will not adde one blast of his breath, to make vp the glorious gale of thy fame.

In the meane time I haue here accomplished his desire in publishing this worke: More to testifie to the world the height of his heart, then for any pleasure I haue to set foorth any thing, to the view of these both captious and vnthankefull times; wherein men will

be, not readers onely, but interpreters, but wresters, but corrupters and deprauers of that which they reade; wherein men thinke the reproofe of others, to be the greatest parcell of their7 owne praise. But how should I expect any better vsage? The Commentaries of Caesar, neuer disliked before, are esteemed by Lypsius, a dry saplesse piece of writing. The most famous Tacitus is tearmed by

Alceate, [1]a thicket of thornes; by Budaeus, [2] a most lewd Writer; by Tertullian, [3]an exceeding lyar; by Orosius, [4]a flatterer; then which assuredly he is nothing lesse. I will not expect any better vsage, I will not desire it; I will hereafter esteeme nothing of any worth, which hath not many to detract from it.

Whatsoeuer this is, I haue presumed to present it to your Highnesse, for these causes following: First, for that it receiued this being from him, who was most dearely esteemed by you; who may be iustly proposed, as an example of vertue, as a guide to glory and fame. Secondly, for that the persons of whom it treateth, are those most worthy Ancestors of yours, who laid the foundation of this English Empire; who were eminent among all the Princes of their times, and happely for many ages after, as well in actions of Peace as of Warre. Lastly, for that I esteeme Histories the fittest subiect for your Highnesse reading: For by diligent perusing the actes of great men, by considering all the circumstances of them, by comparing Counsailes and meanes with euents; a man may seeme to

haue liued in all ages, to haue beene present at all enterprises; to be more strongly confirmed in Iudgement, to haue attained a greater experience, then the longest life can possibly affoord.

But because many errours doe vsually arise, by ignorance of the State wherein we liue; because it is dangerous to frame rules of Policie out of Countreys differing from vs, both in nature, and custome of life, and forme of gouernment; no Histories are so profitable as our owne. In these your Highnesse may see, the noble disposition and delights of your Ancestors; what were their sweete walkes, what their pleasant Chases: how farre they preferred glory, before either pleasure or safetie; how by the braue behauiour of their sword, they hewed honour out of the sides of their enemies. In these you may see, the largenesse, commodities, and strength

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of this Countrey; the nature of the people,8 their wealth, pleasure, exercise and trade of life, and what else is worthy of obseruation. Generally, by these you may so furnish your selfe, as not easily to be abused either by weake or deceitfull aduise.

The Most High preserue and prosper your Highnesse: that as you succeed many excellent Ancestours in blood, so you may exceed them all in Honourable atchieuements.

Your Highnesse most deuoted,

I. Hayward.

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THE LIFE OF KING WILLIAM The First,

Sirnamed Conquerour.

obert Duke of Normandie, the sixth in descent fro Rollo, riding through Falais a towne in Normandie, espied certaine yong persons dauncing neere the way. And as he stayed to view a while the maner of their disport, he fixed his eye especially vpon a certaine damosell named Arlotte; of meane birth, a Skinners daughter, who there daunced among the rest. The frame and comely carriage of her body, the naturall beautie and graces of her countenance, the simplicitie of her rurall both behauiour and attire pleased him so well, that the10 same night he procured her to be brought to his lodging; where he begate of her a sonne, who afterward was named William.

I will not defile my writing with memory of some lasciuious behauiour which she is reported to haue vsed, at such time as the Duke approched to embrace her. And doubtfull it is, whether vpon some speciall note of immodestie in herselfe, or whether vpon hate towards her sonne, the English afterwards adding an aspiration to her name (according to the naturall maner of their pronouncing) termed euery vnchast woman Harlot.

It is remembred by some, rather seruile then fond in obseruations, who will either finde or frame predictions for euery great ac-tion or euent; that his mother before the time of her deliuery had a dreame, that her bowels were extended ouer Normandie and England. Also, that at the time of his birth, he fell from his mothers body to the ground; and there filled both his hands with rushes, which had bene cast thicke vpon the floore, and streined them with a very streit gripe. The wiues laughed at large, and soone grew prodigall of idle talke. But the Midwife somewhat more soberly said;11 That he should not onely hold well his owne, but graspe somewhat from other men.

When he was about 9. yeeres of age, his father went vpon deuotion to Hierusalem; and in his returne died at the Citie of Nice. So William at that age succeeded his father; hauing then very generous and aspiring spirits, both to resist abroad, and to rule at home. Hee was committed to the gouernment of two of his vnckles; and the French King was entreated by his father to take vpon him the protection, both of his person and State. But his vnckles pretended title to his dignitie, by reason of his vnlawfull birth; the King of France also desired much and had often attempted to reduce Normandie to his absolute subiection, as it was before the inuasion of the Normans. So as it may seeme he was committed to these Tutors, as a Lambe should be committed to the tutelage of wolues. The onely meanes of his preseruation consisted in a factious Nobilitie, deuided into so many parts, as there were parties: Some contending for possession of the yong Dukes person; others, of his authoritie and power; all of them incompatible to endure either equals,

or els superiours: All of them vni12ted against a common enemie; all deuided among themselues.

Here it may be demanded how he being vnlawfully borne, could succeed his father in the dutchie of Normandie; his father leauing two brothers borne in lawfull marriage, and much other legitimate kindred behind him.

Will. Malmesburie[5] and some others haue reported, that albeit hee was borne out of marriage, yet Duke Robert his father did afterwards entertaine his mother for lawfull wife: which by the Law of that Countrey, agreeable in that point to the Ciuill and Canon Lawes, sufficed to make the issue inheritable, although borne before.

And further, it was a generall custome at that time in France, that bastards did succeed, euen in dignities of highest condition, no otherwise then children lawfully begotten. Thierrie bastard of Clouis, had for his partage with the lawfull children of the same Clouis, the Kingdome of Austrasie, now called Lorraine. Sigisbert bastard of King Dagobert the first, had his part in the Kingdome of France, with Clouis the 12. lawfull sonne to Dagobert. Loys and Carloman bastards of King Loys le13 Begue, succeeded after

the death of their father. So likewise in England, Alfride bastard sonne of Oswine, succeeded his brother Egfride. So Adelstane the bastard sonne of Edward the elder, succeeded his father, before Edmund and Eldred his yonger brothers; notwithstanding they were lawfully begotten. So Edmund, surnamed the Martyr, Bastard sonne to King Edgar, succeeded him in the state, before Ethelbred

his lawfull issue. Afterward, Harold surnamed Harefoote, bastard to Canutus, succeeded him in the kingdome, before Hardicanutus, his lawfull sonne. The like custome hath been obserued in Spaine, in Portugale, and in diuers other countreys. And it is probable

that this vse was grounded vpon often experience, that bastards (as begotten in the highest heate and strength of affection) haue many times been men of excellent proofe, both in courage and in vnderstanding. This was verified[6] in Hercules, Alexander the Great, Romulus, Timotheus, Brutus, Themistocles, Arthur: in Homer, Demosthenes, Bion, Bartholus, Gratian, Peter Lumbard, Peter

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Comestor, Io. Andreas, and diuers of most flourishing name: among whom our Conquerour may worthily be ranged.

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And yet in the third race of the Kings of France a law was made, that bastards should not inherite the Crowne of the Realme. This custome was likewise banished out of England, and other countreys of Europe. Notwithstanding in France, other bastards of great houses were still aduowed.

The exercises of this Duke from his verie youth were ingenuous, manly, decent, & such as tended to actiuitie and valure: Hee was of a working minde and vehement spirit, rather ambitious then onely desirous of glory: of a piercing wit, blind in no mans cause, and well sighted in his owne: of a liuely and present courage; neither out of ignorance, or rash estimation of dangers, but out of a true iudgement both of himselfe and of them. In peace he was politicke: In warre valiant and very skilfull, both to espie, and to apprehend, and to follow his aduantages: this valure and skill in militarie affayres, was alwayes seconded with good successe. He was continually accustomed both to the weight and vse of armour, from his very childhood. Oftentimes hee looked death in the face with a braue contempt. He was neuer free from actions of armes; first vpon necessity15 to defend himselfe, afterwards vpon ambition to offend and disturbe the possessions of others.

In his first age he was much infested with rebels in Normandie; who often conspired both against his life, and against his dignitie and State; traducing him, as a bastard, as a boy, as borne of a base ignoble woman, as altogether vnworthy to be their Prince. Of these, some he appeased and reconciled vnto him: others he preuented, and dispersed their power before it was collected: others hee encountred in open field, before he had any haire vpon his face; where hee defeated their forces in full battell, then tooke their strongholds, and lastly chased them out of his dominion.

And first Roger Tresnye, hauing gained exceeding great both fauour and reputation by his seruices against the Sarasins in Spaine, made claime to the duchie of Normandie; as one lawfully descended from Rollo their first Duke. And albeit many others were before him in title, yet (said he) if they will sit still; if they, either through sloath, which is ill, or through feare, which is worse, will

abandone the aduenture, he alone would free the Normans from16 their infamous subiection. He was followed by many, partly vpon opinion of his right, but chiefly of his valour. But when he brought his cause to the arbitrement of Armes, hee was ouerthrowne in a strong battaile, wherein his claime and his life determined together.

After this, William Earle of Arques, sonne to Richard the second, and vnckle to Duke William, vpon the same pretence declared himselfe against his nephew. And albeit the Normans were heauie to stirre in his fauour, yet hee so wrought with the French King, by assuring him great matters in Normandie; that with a mightie armie of his owne people, hee went in person, to place him in possessio of that dutchy. The way which the King tooke, led him to a large valley, sandie and full of short bushes and shrubs; troublesome for horsemen either to fight or to march. On either side were rising hils, very thicke set with wood. Here the Armie entred with small aduisement, either for clearing the passage, or for the safetie of their carriages. The Vaward consisted chiefly of battle-axes and pikes. In the right wing were many Almans among the French. In the left were many of Aniou and Poictou. After these fol17lowed the baggage, with an infinite number of scullians, carters and other base drudges attending vpon it. Next came the French King with the maine battaile, consisting for the most part of valiant and worthy Gentlemen, brauely mounted. The lances and men at Armes cloased the Rereward.

When they were well entred this valley, the Normans did liuely charge vpon them in head; they deliuered also their deadly shot from the hils on both sides, as thicke as haile. Notwithstanding the Vantgard, casting themselues into a pointed battaile in forme of a wedge, with plaine force of hand made themselues way; and marching in firme and close order through the thickest of their enemies, gained (albeit not without great losse) the top of a hill, and there presently encamped themselues. The like fortune happily might the residue haue had, if they had followed with the like order and courage. But failing herein, the right wing was hewed in pieces: the left wing was broken and beaten vpon the carriages; where ouerbearing and treading downe one an other, they receiued almost as much hurt from themselues, as they did from their ene18mies. The maine battaile and Rereward aduancing forward to rescue the carriage, were first miserably ouerwhelmed with a storme of arrowes from the hill on both sides: and the gallant horses once galled with that shot, would no more obey or endure their riders; but flinging out, either ouerthrew or disordred all in their way. And the more to encrease the miserie of that day, the dull and light sand which was raised, partly by the feete of horses and men, and partly by violence of the wind, which then blew full in the faces of the French, inuolued them all as in a thicke and darke cloud; which depriued them

of all foresight and direction in gouerning their affaires. The valiant was nothing discerned fro the coward, no difference could be set betweene contriuance and chance: All laboured in one common calamitie, and euery one encreased the feare of his fellow.

The Normans hauing well spent their shot, and perceiuing the French in this sort both disordered and dismayed, came downe from the hils where they houered before; and falling to the close stroke of battaile-axe and sword, most cruelly raged in the blood of their enemies. By19 whom if any sparke of valour was shewen, being at so great disaduantage, it was to no purpose, it was altogether

lost; it was so farre from relieuing others, that it was not sufficient to defend themselues. And doubtlesse no thing so much fauoured the state of the French that day, as that the number of the Normans sufficed not to enclose them behind. For then they had bene entrapped as Deere in a toile; then not one of them could haue escaped. But the entrance of the valley remayning open, many fled backe to the plaine ground; tumbling together in such headlong hast, that if the Normans had sharply put vpon them the chase, it is certaine that they had bene extreemely defeated. But the Duke gaue ouer the execution vpon good aduise. For knowing himselfe not to be of force vtterly to vanquish the French, he assayed rather by faire forbearance to purchase their friendship.

Here the French king assembled his broken companies, and encamped them for that night so well as he could. The ioy of their pre-

sent escape expelled for the time all other respects. But after a little breathing, their remembrance began to runne vpon the losse of

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their cariages;20 whereby they had lost all meanes to refresh themselues. Of their Vaward they made a forelorne reckoning, and the like did the Vaward of them. Many were wounded, all wearied; and the Normans gaue notice by sounding out their instruments of warre, that they were at hand on euery side. The rudest of the Souldiers did boldly vpbraid this infortunitie to the King; one asked him where his Vaward was, where were his wings, where were the residue of his battell, and Rereward. Others called for the cariages, to preserue those in life who had not been slaine. Others demanded if he had any more mouse-traps to leade them into. But most sate heauy and pensiue, scarce accounting themselues among the liuing. The King swallowed downe all with a sad silence, sometimes he dissembled as though he had not heard; sometimes hee would fairely answere; Good words, good souldiers; haue patience a while, and all will be well: which was indeede a truer word then he thought it possible to bee when he spake it.

In this extremity the King assembled the chiefe of his commanders, to aduise with them what was best to be done. It was generally con21cluded, that in staying their case was desperate; and dangerous it was to stirre. But here lay the question; whether it was least dangerous to remoue together, or euery man to shift for himselfe. Whilest this point was in debating, whilest they expected euery minute to be assailed, whilest no man saw any thing but death and despaire; behold, a messenger came from the Duke, not to offer but to desire peace; and to craue protection of the French king, according to the trust which Robert the Dukes father reposed in him. There needed not many words to perswade. Peace was signed, protection assured, in a more ample maner then it was required. Then the messenger with many good words appeased the Kings heauinesse, telling him, that his Vaward was safe, his cariages not touched, and that he should be furnished with horses both for burthen and draught, in stead of those that had been slaine. These words, as a sweete enchantment, rauished the French King with sudden ioy. But when they came to gather vp their baggage, a spec-tacle both lamentable and loathsome was presented vnto them. The valley couered, and in some places heaped with dead bodies of men and horses:22 many not once touched with any weapon, lay troden to death, or else stifled with dust and sand: many grieuously wounded, reteined some remainder of life, which they expressed with cries and groanes: many not mortally hurt, were so ouer-

laid with the slaine, that they were vnable to free themselues: towards whom it is memorable, what manly both pitie and helpe the Normans did affoord. And so the French King more by courtesie of his enemies, then either by courage or discretion of his owne, returned in reasonable state to Paris.

Vpon these euents of open hostilitie, Guy Earle of Burgogne, who had taken to wife Alix, daughter to Duke Richard the second, and Aunt to Duke William, conspired with Nicellus president of Constantine, Ranulph Vicecount of Bayon, Baimond, and diuers others, suddenly to surprise the Duke, and slay him in the night. A certaine foole, (nothing regarded for his want of wit) obseruing their preparations, secretly got away, and in the dead of the night came to Valogne, where the Duke then lay; no lesse slenderly guarded with men, then the place it selfe was sleight for defence. Here he23 continued rapping at the gate, and crying out, vntill it was opened, and hee brought to the presence of the Duke. To whom he declared the conspiracie, with circumstances of such mo-

ment, that the Duke foorthwith tooke his horse, and posted alone towards Falais, an especial place for strength for defence. Presently after his departure the conspirators came to Valogne, they beset the house, they enter by force, they search euery corner for the

Duke: And finding that the game was start, and on foote, in hote haste they pursued the chase.

About breake of day the Dukes horse tired, and he was ignorant of his right way. He was then at a little village called Rie, where

the chiefe Gentleman of the place was standing at his doore ready to goe abroad. Of him the Duke enquired the next way to Falais. The Gentleman knew the Duke, and with all duetie and respect desired to know the cause of his both solitarie and vntimely riding. The Duke would willingly haue passed vnknowne; but perceiuing himselfe to be discouered, declared to him the whole aduenture. Hereupon the Gentleman furnished him with a fresh horse,24 and sent with him two of his sonnes to conduct him the direct way to Falais.

No sooner were they out of sight, but the conspirators came, and enquired of the same Gentleman (who still remained at his doore) whether he saw not the Duke that morning: as if, forsooth, they were come to attend him. The Gentleman answered, that he was gone a little before, and therewith offered them his company to ouertake him. But he lead them about another way, vntill the Duke was safely alighted at Falais. And thus the more we consider these and the like passages of affaires, the lesse we shall admire either the wisdome, or industry, or any other sufficiencie of man. In actions of weight it is good to employ our best endeuours; but when all is done, he danceth well to whom Fortune doeth pipe.

When the conspirators vnderstood that their principall purpose was disappointed, they made themselues so powerfull in the field, that the Duke was enforced to craue ayde of the King of France; who not long before was his greatest enemie. The King preferring to his remembrance the late honourable dealing of the Duke, came in person vnto him; by whose25 countenance and aide the Duke ouerthrew his enemies in a full battell, in the vale of Dunes: albeit not without great difficultie, and bold aduenture of his owne person. Guy de Burgogne escaped by flight, and defended himselfe in certaine castles which he had fortified in Normandie for his retreite; but in the end hee rendred both himselfe and them to the Dukes discretion. The Duke not onely pardoned him, but honoured him with a liberall pension; which he did afterward both with valiant and loyall seruice requite.

Not long after, the French King had wars against Ieoffrey Martell, and Duke William went with a faire companie of Souldiers to

his ayde. In this seruice he so wel acquited himselfe, both in iudgement and with hand, that the French King was chiefly directed by him; onely blaming him for too carelesse casting himselfe into the mouth of dangers; imputing that to ostentation, which was but the heate of his courage and age. Oftentimes hee would range from the maine battell with very fewe in his company; either to make discoueries, or to encounter such enemies as could not bee found with greater troupes. Once hee withdrew26 himselfe onely with

foure, and was met with by fifteene of the enemies. The most forward of them he strake from his horse, and brake his thigh with the fall. The residue hee chased foure miles; and most of them being hurt, tooke seuen prisoners. Hereupon Ieoffrey Martell then said

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of him; that he was at that time the best souldier, and was like to prooue the best commander in the world.

And as hee was both fauourable and faithfull towards them who fairely yeelded, so against such as either obstinately or scornefully caried themselues, he was extreamely seuere, or rather cruell. When hee besieged Alencon, which the Duke of Aniou had taken from him, the defendants would often crie from the walles, La pel, La pel; reproaching him thereby with the birth of his mother. This base insolencie, as it enflamed both his desire and courage to atchieue the enterprise, so did it his fury, to deale sharpely with them when they were subdued; by cutting off their hands and feete; and by other seuerities which were not vsuall.

Besides these, some others of his owne blood prouoked Engelrame Earle of Ponthieu to moue against him in armes: but the Duke receiued27 him with so resolute valour, that the Earle was slaine in the field, and they well chastised who drew him to the enterprise. The Britaines did often feele the force of his victorious armes. Hee had many conflicts with Ieoffrey Martell Earle of Aniou, confederate with the Princes of Britane, Aquitaine, and Tours; a man equall vnto him both in power and in skill to command, but

in fortune and in force of arme much inferiour. Many excellent atchieuements were performed betweene them; insomuch as their hostilitie seemed onely to bee an emulation in honour. Once the Duke fell into an ambushment addressed for him by the Earle of Aniou; wherewith he was so suddenly surprized, that he was almost in the midst of the danger before he thought any danger neere him. An exceeding great both terrour and confusion seazed vpon his souldiers; because the more sudden and vncertaine a perill is,

the greater is it alwayes esteemed. Many of his brauest men were slaine; the residue so disordered, or at least shaken, as they began to thinke more of their particular escape, then of the common either safety or glory.

When they were thus vpon the point to dis28band, the Duke rather with rage then courage cried vnto them, If you loue me not Souldiers, yet for shame follow me; for shame stand by mee; for shame let not any of your friends heare the report, that you ran from mee and left me fighting. With that he threw himselfe into the thickest throng of his enimies, and denounced those either traitours or cowards who would not follow. This example breathed such braue life into his Souldiers, that they rallied their loose rankes, and in close order seconded him with a resolute charge: encouraging one another, that it was shameful indeede not to fight

for him, who so manfully did fight with them. The Duke brandishing his sword like a thunderbolt, dung downe his enemies on euery side; made at Earle Martell in the midst of his battallion, strake him downe, claue his helmet, and cut away one of his eares. This so diuerted the Aniouans to the rescue of their Earle, that they let the other part of the victorie goe. The Earle they recouered againe to horse, and so left the Duke master of the field. Verely, it is almost impossible, that a commander of such courage should haue, either faint or false hearted Souldiers.

29

Now it happened not long before, that Fulc Earle of Aniou hauing drawen Herbert Earle of Maine vnder faire pretenses to Xan-tonge, cast him in prison, from whence he could not be released vntill he had yeelded to certaine conditions, both dishonourable and disaduantageable vnto him. Hugh succeded Herbert; from whom Ieoffrey Martell Earle of Aniou tooke the citie of Maine, and made himselfe lord of all the countrey. Hugh hauing lost his dominion, left both his title and his quarrell to his sonne Herbert: who hauing no issue, appointed Duke William to bee his heire. Hereupon the Duke inuaded Maine, and in short time subdued the whole countrey, and built two fortifications for assurance thereof; hauing first sent word to the Earle of Aniou, vpo what day the worke should begin. The Earle vsed all diligence and means to impeach the buildings; but hee not onely failed of that purpose, but further lost the countie of Medune.

Againe, Henry King of France did many other times with great preparation inuade his Countrey; sometimes with purpose to winne vpon him, and sometimes to keepe him from winning vpon others. Vpon a time the King30 led his troupes ouer the foord of Dine; and when halfe his army had passed, the other halfe by reason of the rising of the Sea, was compelled to stay. The Duke apprehending the aduantage, came vpo them with a furious charge, being now deuided from the chiefe of the Armie; and either slew them

or tooke them prisoners, in the plaine view of their King. After this they concluded a peace, whereof the conditions were, That the Duke should release such prisoners as he had taken; and that hee should retaine whatsoeuer he had wonne, or afterwards should winne from the Earle of Aniou. And yet the King did againe enterprise vpon him, with greater forces then at any time before: But the Duke entertained his Armies with so good order and valoure, that the King gained nothing but losse and dishonour: and the greater his desire was of victorie and reuenge, the more foule did his foiles and failings appeare; which so brake both his courage and heart, that with griefe thereof (as it was conceiued) hee ended his life. And thus during all the time that he was onely Duke of Normandy, he was neuer free from action of armes: in all his actions of armes hee was caried with a31 most rare and perpetuall felicitie. As he grew in yeeres, so did he in thicknesse and fatnesse of body: but so, as it made him neither vnseemely, nor vnseruiceable for

the warres; and neuer much exceeding the measure of a comely corpulencie. He was most decent, and therewith terrible in armes.

He was stately and maiesticall in his gesture; of a good stature, but in strength admirable: in so much as no man was able to draw his bow, which hee would bend sitting vpon his horse, stretching out the string with his foot. His countenance was warlike and manly as his friends might terme it; but as his enemies said, truculent and fierce. He would often sweare By Gods resurrection and his brightnesse: which he commonly pronounced with so furious a face, that hee strooke a terrour into those that were present. His head was bald; his beard alwayes shauen; which fashion being first taken vp by him, was then followed by all the Normans. Hee was of a firme and strong constitution for his health; so as he neuer was attached with sicknesse, but that which was the summons of his death: and in his age seemed little to feele the heauie weight and burthen of yeeres.

32

In his first age he was of a mild and gentle disposition; courteous, bountifull, familiar in conuersation, a professed enemie to all vices. But as in Fortune, as in yeres, so changed he in his behauiour; partly by his continuall following the warres (whereby he was much

6

fleshed in blood) and partly by the inconstant nature of the people ouer whom he ruled: who by often rebellions did not onely ex-asperate him to some seueritie, but euen constraine him to hold them in with a more stiffe arme. So hee did wring from his subiects very much substance, very much blood; not for that he was by nature either couetous or cruell, but for that his affaires could not otherwise be managed. His great affaires could not be managed without great expence, which drew a necessity of charge vpon the people: neither could the often rebellions of his Subiects be repressed or restrained by any mild and moderate meanes. And generally as in all States and gouernments, seuere discipline hath alwayes bin a true faithfull mother of vertue and valour; so in particular of

his Normans he learned by experience, and oftentimes declared this iudgement: That if they were held in bridle, they were most valiant, and33 almost inuincible; excelling all men both in courage, and in strength, and in honourable desire to vanquish their enemies. But if the reines were layd loose vpon their necke, they were apt to runne into licentiousnes and mischiefe; ready to consume either themselues by riot and sloath, or one another by sedition: prone to innouation and change; as heauily mooued to vndertake dangers, so not to bee trusted vpon occasion.

He tooke to wife Matilde daughter to Baldwin Earle of Flanders, a man for his wisedome and power, both reuerenced and feared euen of Kings; but because she was his cousin Germane, he was for his marriage excommunicate by his owne vnckle Mauger Archbishop of Roan. Hereupon he sued to Pope Victor, and obteined of him a dispensation: and afterwards so wrought, that by a prouinciall Councell his vncle Mauger was depriued of his dignitie. But by this meanes both he & his issue were firmely locked in obedience to the Sea of Rome; for that vpon the authoritie of that place the validitie of his marriage, and consequently the legitima-tion of his issue seemed to depend.

When he was about 50. yeeres of age, Edward34 King of England ended his life. This Edward was sonne to Egelred King of England, by Emma, sister to Richard the second Duke of Normandie, who was grandfather to Duke William: so as King Edward and Duke William were cousins germane once remoued.[7]

At such time as Egelred was first ouercharged with warres by the Danes, he sent his wife Emma, with two sonnes which she had borne vnto him, Alphred and Edward, into Normandie to her brother; where they were enterteined with all honourable vsage for many yeeres. Afterward giuing place to the malice of his Fortune, he passed also into Normandie, and left his whole state in the possession and power of Swanus King of Denmarke. But after the death of Swanus, partly by the aide of the Normans, and partly by fauour of his owne people, he recouered his Kingdome, and left the same to his eldest sonne Edmund, who either for the tough temper of his courage and strength, or for that he almost alwayes liued in Armes, was surnamed Ironside.

Hereupon Canutus the sonne of Swanus made sharpe warre, first against Egelred, then against Edmund: and finally after many varie-

35ties of aduenture, but chiefly by the fauour of the Clergie of England (because they had sworne allegiance to his father) spread the wings of his victory ouer the whole Kingdome. He expelled out of the Realme Edwine and Edward the two sonnes of King Edmund: of whom Edwine married the Kings daughter of Hungarie, but died without issue; Edward was aduanced to the marriage of Agatha, daughter to the Emperour Henry, and by her had issue two sonnes, Edmund & Edgar, and so many daughters, Margaret and Christine. The same Canutus tooke Emma to wife, who had bene wife to King Egelred; by whom he had a sonne named Hardicanutus.

After the death of Canutus, Alphred the sonne of Egelred came out of Normandie, and with fiftie saile landed at Sandwich: with purpose to attempt the recouerie of his fathers kingdome. In which enterprise hee receiued not onely encouragement, but good assurance from many of the English Nobilitie. But by Earle Goodwine he was abused and taken; his company slaine, his eyes put out, and then sent to the Ile of Elie, where in short time hee ended his life. Edward also arriued at Hampton with 40. ships,36 but finding the Countrey so farre from receiuing, as they were ready to resist him, he returned into Normandie, and attended the further fauour of time. So after Canutus succeeded in England, first Harold sirnamed Harefoot, bastard sonne to Canutus; and after him Hardicanutus, sonne to Canutus by Emma, mother also to King Edward.

Hardicanutus being dead, the Nobilitie of the Realme sent into Normandie for Edward to be their King; whereto also he was appointed as some haue written by Hardicanutus. But because Alphred his brother vpon the like inuitation had bene traiterously taken and slaine before, William at that time Duke of Normandie would not permit him to depart, vntill he had receiued for pledges of

his safety, Woolnoth son to Earle Goodwine, and Hacon sonne to Swaine, Earle Goodwins eldest sonne. Vpon this assurance he was furnished by the duke his cousin, with all meanes fit both for his enterprise and estate. And so hee passed the Seas, arriued in England, and with generall ioy was receiued for King. He tooke to wife Edith the daughter of Earle Goodwine; but whether vpon vow of chastitie, or whether vpon impotencie of nature, or37 whether vpon hatred to her father, or whether vpon suspition against herselfe (for all these causes are alleaged by seuerall writers of those times) he forbore all priuate familiaritie with her.

When he was well locked into the chaire of State, Duke William came out of Normandie to see him, to shew his magnificence to the English people; to shew to the English, both that he loued their King, and that he was of power to relieue him, in case his necessities should so require. Here, besides honourable enterteinement, besides many rich gifts both to himselfe and to his followers, the King hauing neither hope nor desire of issue, promised him, in regard of his great fauours and deserts, that hee should be his next successour in the Kingdome. And for further assurance thereof, sent him also the like message into Normandie, by Robert Archbishop of Canterburie.

After this Harold sonne to Earle Goodwine passed the Seas into Normandie, to deale for the discharge of his brother Wolnoth and Hacon his nephew, who had bene deliuered for hostages to the Duke. In his passage he was much tossed with troublesome weather, and in the38 end was cast vpon the coast of Ponthieu, and there taken by the Earle and committed to prison. But at the request of the Duke of Normandie, hee was released with honourable respect, and by the Earle himselfe accompanied to the Duke;

7

who enterteined him with great magnificence at Roan. The Duke was then going in Armes against the Britaines; in which iourney Harold did accompany him, and shewed himselfe a man, neither rash in vndertaking, nor fearefull in perfourming any seruices of the field. After prosperous returne, the Duke declared to Harold, the purpose of King Edward cocerning the Dukes succession to this Crowne. Harold did auow the same to be true; and promised to affoord thereto the best furtherance that he could. Hereupon

the Duke assembled a Councell at Boneuill; where Harold did sweare fidelitie vnto him: and promised likewise by oath, that after the death of King Edward, he would keepe the Realme of England to the vse of the Duke: that he would deliuer vnto him the castle of Douer, and certaine other pieces of defence, furnished at his owne charge. Hereupon the Duke promised vnto him his daughter in marriage, and with her halfe the Realme39 of England in name of her dower. He also deliuered to him his nephew Hacon; but kept his brother Wolnoth as an hostage, for performance of that which Harold had sworne.

In short time after King Edward died, and Harold being generall commander of the forces of the Realme, seized vpon the souer-aignetie, and without any accustomed solemnities set the crowne vpon his owne head. The people were nothing curious to examine titles; but as men broken with long bondage, did easily entertaine the first pretender. And yet to Harold they were inclinable enough, as well vpon opinion of his prowesse, as for that hee endeauoured to winne their fauour, partly by abating their grieuous paiments, and partly by increasing the wages of his seruants and Souldiers; generally, by vsing iustice with clemencie and courtesie towards all. About this time a blasing starre appeared and continued the space of seuen dayes;[8] which is commonly taken to portend alteration in States. Of this Comet a certaine Poet, alluding to the baldnesse of the Norman, wrote these verses.

Caesariem Caesar tibi si natura negauit, Hanc Willielme tibi stella comata dedit.

40

Duke William sent diuers Ambassadours to Harold; first to demaund perfourmance of his oath, afterward to mooue him to some moderate agreement. But ambition, a reasonlesse and restlesse humour, made him obstinate against all offers or inducements of peace. So they prepared to buckle in armes; equall both in courage and in ambitious desires, equall in confidence of their fortune: but Harold was the more aduenturous, William the more aduised man: Harold was more strong in Souldiers, William in Alies and friends. Harold was seated in possession, which in case of a kingdome is oftentimes with facilitie attained, but retained hardly: William pretended the donation of King Edward, and that he was neere vnto him in blood by the mothers side.

Now there wanted not precedents, both ancient and of later times, that free kingdomes and principalities, not setled by custome in succession of blood, haue been transported euen to strangers by way of guift. Attalus king of Pergamus[9] did constitute the people of Rome his heire; by force wherof they made his kingdome a part of their empire. Nicomedes King41 of Bithynia[10] made the people of Rome likewise his heire; whereupon his kingdome was reduced to the forme of a Prouince. So Alexander King of Egypt,[11] gaue Alexandria and the kingdome of Egypt; and so Ptolemie gaue the kingdome of Cyrene to the same people of Rome. Prasutagus[12] one of the kings of great Britaine, gaue the kingdome of the Iceni to Caesar Nero, and to his daughters. Yea, in the Imperial state of Rome, Augustus designed Tiberius to be his successour; and by like appointment Nero became successour

to Claudius; Traiane to Nerua; Antonius Pius to Adrian; and Antoninus the Philosopher to another Antoninus. When the Emperour Galba[13] did openly appoint Piso for his successour, he declared to the people, that the same custome had been obserued by most approued and ancient Princes. Iugurth being adopted by Mycipsa,[14] succeeded him in the kingdome of Numidia; and that by the iudgement as well of Mycipsa himselfe, as of the Senate and people of Rome.

The holy histories report that Salomon[15] gaue twentie cities to Hiram king of Tyre: and if the argument be good from the part to the whole, he might in like sort haue disposed of all his42 kingdome. Who hath not heard of the donation falsly attributed to Constantine the great, being in trueth the donation of Lewis, sirnamed the pious; whereby he gaue to Pope Paschal the citie of

Rome, and a large territorie adioyning vnto it; the instrument of which gift Volaterrane[16] doth recite. So the Ladie Matild, daughter to Roger the most famous Prince of Cicilie, and wife to king Conrade, sonne to Henrie[17] the 4. Emperour, gaue the Marquisate

of Apulia to the Bishop of Rome: which when the Emperour Otho the 4. refused to deliuer, hee was for that cause excommunicate by the Pope. In like sort the countrey of Daulphin[18] was giuen by Prince Vmbert to the King of France, vpon condition, that the eldest sonne of France should afterward be called Daulphine. Lastly, the Dukes first auncestor Rollo, receiued the Dukedome of Normandie by donation of Charles King of France: And himselfe held the Countie of Maine by donation of Earle Herebert, as before it is shewed. And by donation of the King of Britaine, Hengist obtained Kent; the first kingdome of the English Saxons in Britaine. After which time the Countrey was neuer long time free from inuasion: first, by43 the English and Saxons against the Britaines, afterward by the seuen Saxon kingdomes among themselues, and then lastly by the Danes. By meanes whereof the kingdome at that time could not bee setled in any certaine forme of succession by blood, as it hath been since; but was held for the most part in absolute dominion, and did often passe by transaction or gift: and he whose sword could cut best, was alwaies adiudged to haue most right. But of this question more shall hereafter be said, in the beginning of the life of King William the second.

Touching his propinquity in blood to King Edward by the mothers side, he enforced it to be a good title: because King Edward not long before had taken succession from Hardicanutus, to whom hee was brother by the mothers side. And although King Edward was also descended from the Saxon Kings, yet could not he deriue from them any right: For that Edgar and his sisters were then

aliue, descended from Edmund Ironside, elder brother to King Edward. Hee could haue no true right of succession, but onely from Hardicanutus the Dane. So Pepine, when he was possessed of the State of France, did openly publish, that hee was descended of44 the blood of Charles the Great, by the mothers side. And albeit the said Edgar was both neerer to King Edward then the Duke of Normandie, and also ioyned to him in blood by the fathers side; yet was that no sufficient defence for Harold. The vsurped posses-

8

sion of Harold[19] could not be defended, by alleaging a better title of a third person. The iniurie which hee did to Edgar, could not serue him for a title against any other.

These grounds of his pretence, beautified with large amplifications of the benefits which he had done to King Edward, he imparted to the Bishop of Rome; who at time was reputed the arbitrator of controuersies which did rise betweene princes. And the rather to procure his fauour, and to gaine the countenance of religion to his cause, hee promised to hold the kingdome of England of the Apostolike Sea. Hereupon Alexander then Bishop of Rome allowed his title, and sent vnto him a white hallowed banner, to aduance vpon the prowe of his ship: also an Agnus Dei of gold, and one of S. Peters haires, together with his blessing to begin the enterprise. But now concerning his further procee45dings, concerning his victorious both entrance and cotinuance within the Realme of England, two points are worthy to be considered: one, how he being a man of no great either power or dominion, did so suddenly preuaile against a couragious King, possessed of a large and puissant State. The other is, how he so secured his victorie, as not the English, not the Britains, not the Danes, not any other could dispossesse or much disturbe him & his posteritie, from enioying the fayre fruits thereof. And if we giue to either of these their true respects, wee shall find his commendation to consist, not so much

in the first, as in the second: because that was effected chiefly by force, this by wisedome only; which as it is most proper to man, so few men doe therein excell. Hee that winneth a State surmounteth onely outward difficulties; but he that assureth the same, trauaileth as well against internall weaknes, as external strength. To attaine a Kingdome is many times a gift of Fortune; but to prouide that it may long time continue firme, is not onely to oppose against humane forces, but against the very malice of Fortune, or rather the power and wrath of time, whereby all things are na46turally inclineable to change.

For the first then, besides the secret working and will of God, which is the cause of all causes; besides the sinnes of the people, for which (the Prophet saith,) Kingdomes are transported from one Nation to another: King Edward not long before made a manifest way for this inuasion and change. For although he was English by birth, yet by reason of his education in Normandie, he was altogether become a Normane, both in affection and in behauiour of life. So as in imitation of him, the English abandoned the ancient vsages of their Country, and with great affection or affectation rather, conformed themselues to the fashions of France.[20] His chiefe acquaintance and familiar friends were no other then Normans; towards whom being a milde and soft spirited Prince, he was very bountifull, and almost immoderate in his fauours. These he enriched with great possessions; these he honoured with the highest places both of dignitie and charge. Chiefly he aduanced diuers of them to the best degrees of dignitie in the Church: by whose fauour Duke William afterward was both animated & aided in his exploit. Generally as the whole Clergie47 of England conceiued

a hard opinion of Harold; for that vpon the same day wherein King Edward was buried, he set the Crowne vpon his owne head, without Religious Ceremonies, without any solemnities of Coronation: so they durst not for feare of the Popes displeasure, but giue either furtherance or forbearance to the Dukes proceedings; and to abuse the credite which they had with the people, in working their submission to the Normans. Now of what strength the Clergie was at that time within the Realme, by this which followeth it may appeare.

After that Harold was slaine, Edwine and Morcar Earles of Northumberland and Marckland, brothers of great both authoritie and power within the Realme, had induced many of the Nobilitie to declare Edgar Athelinge to be their King: but the Prelates not onely crossed that purpose, but deliuered Edgar the next heire from the Saxon Kings to the pleasure of the Duke.

Againe, when the Duke after his great victorie at Hastings aduanced his armie towards Hartford-shire; Fredericke Abbot of S. Albanes had caused the woods belonging to his48 Church to be felled, and the trees to be cast so thicke in the way, that the Duke was compelled to coast about to the castle of Berkhamstead. To this place the Abbot vnder Suerties came vnto him; and being demanded wherefore he alone did offer that opposition against him, with a confident countenance he returned answere: that he

had done no more then in conscience and by Nature he was bound to doe: and that if the residue of the Clergie had borne the like minde, hee should neuer haue pierced the land so farre. Well, answered the Duke, I know that your Clergie is powerfull indeed; but if I liue and prosper in my affaires, I shall gouerne their greatnesse well ynough. Assuredly, nothing doeth sooner worke the conuersion or subuersion of a State, then that any one sort of Subiects should grow so great, as to be able to ouerrule all the rest.

Besides this disposition of the Clergie, diuers of the Nobilitie also did nothing fauour King Harold or his cause: for that he was a manifest vsurper, naked of all true title to the Crowne, pretending onely as borne of the daughter of Hardicanutus the Dane. Yea he was infamous both for his iniurie and periurie towards the49 Duke, and no lesse hatefull for his disloyaltie in former times, in bearing Armes with his father against King Edward. Hereupon the Nobilitie of the Realme were broken into factions. Many (of whom his owne brother Tosto was chiefe) inuited Harold King of Norway to inuade; with whom whilest Harold of England was incountring

in Armes, the residue drew in Duke William out of Normandie. And these also were diuided in respects. Some were caried by particular ends, as being prepared in diuers maner by the Normane before hand: others vpon a greedy and for the most part deceiueable ambition, in hunting after hazard and change: others were led with loue to their Countrey, partly to auoyd the tempest which they

saw to gather in clouds against them, and partly to enlarge the Realme both in dominion and strength, by adioyning the Country of Normandie vnto it. In which regard, (because the lesse doeth alwayes accrue to the greater) they thought it more aduantageable to deale with a Prince of an inferiour state, then with a Prince of a state superiour or equal.

As for Edgar Atheling, the next successour to the Crowne in right of blood, he was not of50 sufficient age; of a simple wit and slow courage; not gracious to the English, as well for his imperfections both in yeeres and nature, as for that he was altogether vnacquaint-ed with the customes and conditions of their Countrey: vnfurnished of forces and reputation, vnfurnished of friends, vnfurnished

of all meanes to support his title. So Duke William hauing better right then the one, and more power then the other, did easily cary the prize from both.

9

Now touching the state of his owne strength, albeit Normandie was but little in regard of England, yet was it neither feeble nor poore. For the people, by reason of their continuall exercise in Armes, by reason of the weightie warres which they had managed, were well inabled both in courage and skill for all Militarie atchieuements. Their valour also had bene so fauoured by their Fortune, that they were more enriched by spoile, then drawne downe either with losses or with charge. Hereupon when preparation was to be made for the enterprise of England, although some disswaded the Duke from embracing the attempt; affirming that it was a vaine thing to streine at that which the hand is not able to51 conteine, to take more meat then the stomacke can beare; that he who catcheth at matters too great, is in great danger to gripe nothing: Yet did others not onely encourage him by aduise, but enable him

by their aide. Among which William Fitz-Auber did furnish 40. ships with men and munition; The Bishop of Baieux likewise 40: the

Bishop of Mans 30: and in like sort others, according to the proportion of their estates.

And yet he drew not his forces onely out of Normandie, but receiued aide from all parts of France; answerable not onely to his necessitie, but almost to his desire. Philip King of France at that time was vnder age, and Baldwine Earle of Flanders was gouernour of the Realme; whose daughter the Duke had taken to wife. By his fauour the Duke receiued large supplies from the state of France, both in treasure and in men of warre: for countenance whereof it was giuen foorth, that the Duke should hold the Realme of England as hee did the Duchie of Normandie, vnder homage to the Crowne of France. Hereupon diuers Princes of France did adioyne to his aide; and especially the Duke of Orleance, the Earles of Britaine, Aniou,52 Boloigne, Ponthieu, Neuers, Poictou, Hiesmes, Aumale, and the Lord of Tours. Many other of the Nobilitie and Gentlemen did voluntarily aduenture, both their bodies and whole estates vpon the euent of this enterprise. So greatly had he either by courtesie wonne the loue, or by courage erected the hopes of all men: yea of many who had bin his greatest enemies. With these also the Emperour Henry 4. sent him certaine troupes of Souldiers, commanded by a Prince of Almaine. Hee receiued also many promises of fauour from Swaine King of Denmarke. And who can as-sure (for the sequele maketh the coniecture probable) that he held not intelligence with Harold Harfager King of Norway, to inuade England with two armies at once. So partly by his owne Subiects, and partly by supply from his Alleys and friends, hee amassed a strong Armie, consisting chiefly of Normans, Flemings, French and Britaines, to the number of fiftie thousand men; and brought them to S. Valeries, before which Towne his ships did ride. Here he stayed a certaine time attending the wind, as most writers doe report; but rather as it may be coniectured, to awaite the arriuall of Harold Harfager K. of Norway:53 knowing right well, that the inuasion of Harold of Norway vpon the North parts of the realme, would draw away Harold of England to leaue the coasts towards the South vndefended.

During his abode at S. Valeries, certaine English espials were taken, whom King Harold had sent to discouer both the purposes and power of the Duke. When they were brought to his presence, with a braue confidence he said vnto them: Your Lord might well haue spared this charge; hee needed not to haue cast away his cost to vnderstand that by your industrie and faith, which my owne presence shall manifest vnto him; more certainly, more shortly then he doth expect. Goe your wayes, goe tell him from me, If he

find me not before the end of this yeere, in the place where hee supposeth that hee may most safely set his foote, let him neuer feare danger from mee whilest hee liue. Many Normans disliked this open dealing of the Duke: preferring to his iudgement the valour and experience of King Harold; the greatnesse of his treasure; the number and goodnes of his men; but especially his strong Nauie, and expert Saylers; accustomed both to the fights and dangers of the Sea, more then any other people in the world. To these the Duke54 turned, and sayd: I am glad to heare this opinion run, both of his prowesse and of his power; the greater shall our glory bee in preuailing against him. But I see right well that I haue small cause to feare his discouery of our strength, when you, who are so neere vnto mee, discerne so little. Rest your selues vpon the Iustice of your cause and foresight of your Commaunder. Who hath lesse then hee, who can iustly tearme nothing his owne? I know more of his weakenesse, then euer he shall know of my strength, vntill he feele it. Performe you your parts like men, and he shall neuer be able to disappoint either my assurance, or your hopes.

Now Harold King of England had prepared a fleet to resist the inuasion of the duke of Normandie: but by reason of his long stay at S. Valeries, speeches did spread, whether by error or subornation, yea, assured aduertisement was sent out of Flanders, that he

had for that yeere abandoned his enterprise. In the meane time Harold Harfager King of Norway, then whom no man was esteemed more valiant, hauing assured both intelligence and aide out of England, arriued in the mouth of Humber: and from thence drawing vp against the streame of55 the riuer Owse, landed at a place called Richhall. Here he Marshalled his Armie, and marched foorth into the Countrey: and when hee came neere vnto Yorke, he was encountred by the English, led by Edwine and Morchar the principall commanders of all those quarters. The fight was furious, but in the end the English were ouerthrowne, and with a great slaughter chased into Yorke.

Vpon aduertisement hereof, Harold King of England caried all his forces against Harfager. His readinesse was such, and such his expedition, that the fifth day after the fight before mentioned he gaue him battell againe; wherein Harold Harfager was slaine, and

so was Tosto the King of Englands brother: Tosto by an vncertaine enemie, but Harfager by the hand of Harold of England. Their armie also was routed, and with a bloody execution pursued, so long as day and furie did last. Here a certaine Souldier of Norway was most famous almost for a miracle of manhood. He had been appointed with certaine others, to guard the passage at Stamford bridge. The residue vpon approach of the English forsooke their charge; but hee alone stepped to the foote of the Bridge, and56 with his Battle-axe sustained the shocke of the whole armie; slew aboue fourty assailants, and defended both the passage and himselfe, vntill an English Souldier went vnder the Bridge, and through a hole thereof thrust him into the bodie with a Launce.

If this victory of King Harold had been so wisely vsed as it was valiantly wonne, he should haue neglected the spoyle, and returned with the like celeritie wherewith he came. But hee gaue discontentment to his Souldiers, in abridging their expectation for free sharing the spoile; and hauing lost many in that conflict, he retired to Yorke, and there stayed; as well to reforme the state of the

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Countrey, greatly disordered by meanes of these warres, as also both to refresh and repaire his armie.

In the meane time the Duke of Normandie receiuing intelligence, that the Sea-coasts were left naked of defence, loosed from S. Valeries with three hundred, or, as some writers report, 896, or, as one Norman writer affirmes, with more then one thousand saile: and hauing a gentle gale, arriued at Pemsey in Sussex, vpon the 28. of September. The ship wherein the Duke was caried is said, (as if it had runne for57 the garland of victory) to haue outstripped the rest so farre, that the sailers were enforced to strike saile, and hull before the winde to haue their companie. When hee first stepped vpon the shoare, one of his feete slipped a little. The Duke to

recouer himselfe stepped more strongly with the other foote, and sunke into the sand somewhat deepe. One of his Souldiers espying this, sayd merrily vnto him: You had almost fallen my Lord, but you haue well maintained your standing, and haue now taken deepe and firme footing in the soyle of England. The presage is good, and hereupon I salute you King. The Duke laughed; and the souldiers, with whom superstition doth strongly worke, were much confirmed in courage by the ieast.

When he had landed his forces, he fortified a piece of ground with strong trenches, and discharged all his ships; leauing to his souldi-

ers no hope to saue themselues, but by onely by victory. After this he published the causes of his comming in armes, namely:

1 To chalenge the kingdome of England, giuen to him by his cousin King Edward, the last lawfull possessor at that time thereof.

2 To reuenge the death of his cousin Alfred,58 brother to the same K. Edward, and of the Normans, who did accompanie him into

England; no lesse cruelly then deceitfully slaine by Earle Goodwin and his adherents.

3 To reuenge the iniurie done vnto Robert Archbishop of Canterburie; who by the practise (as it was then giuen foorth) of Harold, had been exiled in the life time of King Edward.

This last article was added either to please the Pope, or generally in fauour of the Cleargie: to whom the example grew then intol-

lerable, that an Archbishop should bee once questioned by any other then by themselues.

So the Duke, leauing his fortification furnished with competent forces to assure the place, as wel for a retreit, as for daily landing of fresh supplies, marched forward to Hastings; and there raised another fortresse, and planted likewise a garison therein. And in all places he restrained his Souldiers, either from spoyling or harming the Countrey people, for feare that thereby they would fall into disorder: but giuing forth, that it were crueltie to spoile them, who in short time should be his Subiects. Here the Duke, because he would not either aduen59ture or trust his Souldiers, went foorth in person to discouer the Countrey, with 15. horsemen in his company, and no more. His returne was on foote, by reason of the euill qualitied wayes: and when Fitz-Osberne who went with him, was ouerwearied with the weight of his armour, the Duke eased him by bearing his helmet vpon his shoulder. This action may seeme of slender regard; but yet did gaine him, both fauour and dutie among his Souldiers.

K. Harold hearing of these approches, hasted by great iourneyes towards London; sending his messengers to all places, both to encourage and entreate the people to draw together for their common defence. Here he mustered his Souldiers; and albeit hee found that his forces were much impaired by his late battaile against Harfager, yet he gathered an able armie, countenanced and commanded by diuers of the Nobilitie, which resorted vnto him from many parts of the Realme. The Duke in the meane time sent a messenger vnto him, who demanded the Kingdome in so stout maner, that he was at the point to haue bene euill entreated by the King. Againe the King sent his messenger to the Duke, forbidding him60 with loftie language, to make any stay within that Countrey; but to returne againe no lesse speedily, then rashly he had entred. The Duke betweene mirth and scorne returned answere; That as

he came not vpon his entreaty, so at his command he would not depart. But (said he) I am not come to word with your King, I am come to fight, and am desirous to fight: I will be ready to fight with him, albeit I had but 10000. such men as I haue brought 60000. K. Harold spent little time, lost none (vnlesse happely that which hee might haue taken more) both in appointing and ordering his Armie. And when he was ready to take the field, his mother entreated him, first moderately, then with words of passion and with teares, that he would not aduenture his person to the battaile. Her importunitie was admired the more, for that it was both without any apparant cause, and not vsuall in former times. But Harold with vndaunted countenance and heart, conducted his Armie into Sussex, and encamped within seuen miles of the Normans: who thereupon approched so neere to the English, that the one Armie was within view of the other.

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First, espials were sent on both sides, to discouer the state and condition of their enemies. They who were sent from the English made a large report, both of the number, and appointment, and discipline of the Normans. Whereupon Girth, yonger brother to King Harold presented him with aduise, not to play his whole State at a cast; not to bee so caried with desire of victory, as not to awaite the time to attaine it: that it is proper to Inuaders presently to fight, because they are then in the very pride and flourish of their strength; but the assailed should rather delay battell, rather obserue only and attend their enemies, cut off their reliefe, vexe them with incommodities, weary them, and weare them out by degrees: that it could not be long before the Dukes armie, being in a strange Countrey, would be reduced to necessities; it could not bee long but by reason it consisted of diuers nations, it would draw into disorder: that it was proper to an armie compounded of different people, to be almost inuincible at the first, whilest all contend to excell or at least to equal other in braue performance; but if they be aduisedly endured, they will easily fall into disorders, and

lastly of themselues62 dissolue. Or if (sayd he) you resolue to fight, yet because you are sworne to the Duke, you shall doe well to withdraw your presence; to imploy your authoritie in mustering a new armie, to bee readie to receiue him with fresh forces. And if you please to commit the charge of this incounter vnto me, I will not faile to expresse, both the loue of a brother, and the care and courage of a Commander. For as I am not obliged to the Duke by oath, so shall I either preuaile with the better cause, or with the quieter conscience die.

Both these counsailes were reiected by Harold: The first out of a violent vehemencie of these Northerne nations, who doe com-

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monly esteeme delay of battell a deiected cowardise, a base and seruile deflouring of time; but to beare through their designes at once, they account a point of honourable courage. The second he esteemed both shamefull to his reputation, and hurtfull to the state of his affaires. For what honour had he gained by his former victories, if when he came to the greatest pinch of danger, hee should fearefully shrinke backe? with what heart should the Souldiers fight, when they haue not his presence for whom they fight? when they haue not their Generall63 an eye witnesse of their performance? when they want his sight, his encouragement,

his example to enflame them to valour? The presence of the Prince is worth many thousands of ordinarie Souldiers: The ordinary

Souldier wil vndertake both labour and danger for no other respects so much, as by the presence of the Prince. And therefore he

did greatly extenuate the worth of the Normans, terming them a company of Priests; because their fashion was to shaue their faces: But whatsoeuer they were, as he had (hee said) digested in his minde the hardest euents of battell; so either the infamie or suspicion of cowardise in no case hee would incurre. Hee resolued not to ouerliue so great dishonour; he resolued to set vp as his last rest,

his Crowne, and Kingdome; and life withall. And thus oftentimes Fortune dealeth with men, as Executioners doe with condemned persons; she will first blindfold, and then dispatch them.

After this the Norman sent a Monke to offer the choise of these conditions to Harold; Either to relinquish his kingdome vpon certaine conditions; or to hold it vnder homage to the Duke; or to try their cause by single combate;64 or to submit it to the iudgement of the Pope, according to the Lawes of Normandy or of England, which he would. Againe, some conditions were propounded from K. Harold to the Duke: But their thoughts were so lifted vp both with pride and confidence, by reason of their former victories, that no moderate ouerture could take place: and so they appointed the day following, which was the 14. of October, to determine their quarrell by sentence of the sword. This happened to be the birth day of K. Harold, which for that cause by a superstitious errour, he coniectured would be prosperous vnto him.

The night before the battaile for diuers respects was vnquiet. The English spent the time in feasting and drinking, and made the aire ring with showtings and songs: the Normans were more soberly silent, and busied themselues much in deuotion; being rather still then quiet, not so much watchful as not able to sleepe. At the first appearance of the day, the King and the Duke were ready in

Armes, encouraging their Souldiers, and ordering them in their arrayes; in whose eyes it seemed that courage did sparckle, and that in their face65 and gesture victorie did sit. The Duke put certaine reliques about his necke, vpon which King Harold had sworne vnto him. It is reported that when he armed, the backe of his Curasses was placed before by errour of him that put it on: some would haue bin dismayed hereat, but the Duke smiled, and said; Assuredly this day my Fortune will turne, I shall either be a King, or nothing before night.

The English were knit in one maine body on foot; whereof the first rancks consisted of Kentishmen (who by an ancient custome did challenge the honour of that place,) the next were filled with Londoners; then followed the other English. Their chiefe weapons were pole-axe, sword and dart, with a large target for their defence. They were paled in front with paueises in such wise, that it was thought impossible for the enemie to breake them. The King stood on foot by his Standard, with two of his brothers, Girth and Leofwine; as well to relieue from thence all parts that should happen to be distressed, as also to manifest to the Souldiers, that they reteined no thought of escaping by flight. On the other side, the Normans were diuided into three battailes: The66 first was conducted by Roger Montgomerie, and William Fitz-Osborne; it consisted of horsemen of Aniou, Maine and Britaine, commanded by a Britaine named Fergent; It caried the Banner which the Pope had sent. The middle battaile consisting of Souldiers out of Germanie and Poictou, was led by Geoffrye Martell, and a Prince of Almaine. The Duke himselfe closed the last battaile, with the strength of his Normans and the flowre of his Nobilitie. The Archers were diuided into wings, and also dispersed by bands through all the three battails.

Thus were both sides set vpon a bloody bargaine; ambition, hope, anger, hate, enflaming them to valour. The duke edged his Souldi-

ers, by declaring vnto them the noble Acts of their ancesters, the late admirable atchieuement of their fellow Normans in subdu-ing the Kingdome of Sicill, their owne braue exploits vnder him; by shewing them all that pleasant and plentifull Countrey, as the purchase of their prowesse, as the gaine and reward of their aduenture: by putting them in minde, that they were in a Countrey both hostile & vnknowne, before them the sword, the vast Ocean behind, no place of retreit, no surety but in valour and67 in victory; so as they who would not contend for glory, were vpon necessitie to fight for their liues: Lastly, by assuring them, that as he was the first in aduise, so would he be the foremost in aduenture, being fully resolued either to vanquish, or to die. The King encouraged his men, by presenting to their remembrance, the miseries which they susteined not long before, vnder the oppression of the Danes; which whether they were againe to endure, or neuer to feare, it lieth (said he) in the issue of this field. The King had the aduantage both

for number of men, and for their large able bodies; The Duke both in Armes, (especially in regard of the Bow and arrowes,) and in experience and skill of Armes; both equall in courage; both confident alike in the fauour of Fortune, which had alwayes crowned their courage with victory. And now by affronting of both the Armies, the plots and labours of many moneths, were reduced to the hazard of a few houres.

The Normans marched with a song of the valiant acts of Rowland, esteeming nothing of perill in regard of the glory of their aduenture. When they approched neere their enemies, they saluted them first with a storme of Ar68rowes: Robert Fitz Beaumonte a yong Gentleman of Normandie, beginning the fight from the right Wing. This maner of fight as it was new, so was it most terrible

to the English, so were they least prouided to auoyd it. First, they opened their rancks, to make way for the Arrowes to fall; but when that auoydance did nothing auaile, they cloased againe, and couered themselues with their Targets, ioyned together in maner of a pendhouse; encouraging one another, to hast forward, to leape lustily to hand-strokes, and to scoure their swords in the entrailes of their enemies. Then the Duke commanded his horsemen to charge: but the English receiued them vpon the points of their weap-

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ons, with so liuely courage, in so firme and stiffe order, that the ouerthrow of many of the foremost, did teach their followers to aduenture themselues with better aduise. Hereupon they shifted into wings, and made way for the footmen to come forward. Then did both armies ioyne in a horrible shocke, with Pole-axes, & the Prince of weapons the sword: maintaining the fight with so man-like furie, as if it had bene a battaile of Giants, rather then of men. And so they continued the greatest69 part of that day, in close and furious fight; blow for blow, wound for wound, death for death; their feet steadie, their hands diligent, their eyes watchfull, their hearts resolute; neither their aduisement dazeled by fiercenesse, nor their fiercenesse any thing abated by aduisement.

In the meane time the horsemen gaue many sharpe charges, but were alwayes beaten backe with disaduantage. The greatest annoyance came from the Archers; whose shot showred among the English so thicke, as they seemed to haue the enemy in the middest of their Armie. Their armour was not sufficiently either compleate or of proofe to defend them, but euery hand, euery finger breadth vnarmed, was almost an assured place for a deepe, and many times a deadly wound. Thus whilest the front was maintained in good condition, many thousands were beaten downe behind; whose death was not so grieuous vnto them, as the maner of their death, in the middest of their friends, without an enemie at hand, vpon whom they might shew some valour, and worke some reuenge.

This maner of fight would soone haue de70termined aswell the hopes as the feares of both sides, had not the targets of English been very seruiceable vnto them; Had not King Harold also with a liuely and constant resolution, performed the part, not onely of a skilfull commander, by directing, encouraging, prouiding, relieuing; but of a valiant Souldier by vsing his weapon, to the excellent example of his Souldiers. In places of greatest danger hee was alwayes present; repayring the decayes, reforming the disorders, and

encouraging his company, that in doing as men, whether they preuailed, or whether they perished, their labour was alwayes gloriously employed. So they knit strongly together, and stood in close and thicke array, as if they had been but one body: not onely bearing the brunt of their enemies, but making such an impression vpon their squadron, that the great bodie began to shake. The Duke aduentured in person so farre, moued no lesse by his naturall magnanimitie, then by glory of the enterprise, that besides his often alighting to fight on foote, two, or (as some report) three horses were slaine vnder him. And hauing a body both able by nature, and by vse hardened to endure trauaile, hee exacted the greater ser71uice of his Souldiers: commending the forward, blaming the slow, and crying out (according to his nature) with vehement gesture and voice vnto all; that it was a shame for them who had been victorious against all men with whom they dealt, to be so long held by the English in delay of victory. So partly by his authoritie, and partly by his example, he retained his Souldiers, and imposed vpon them the fayrest necessitie of courage; whilest euery man contended to win a good opinion of their Prince.

Then the fight entred into a new fitte of heate; nothing lesse feared then death, the greatnesse of danger making both sides the more resolute: and they who could not approach to strike with the hand, were heard to encourage their fellowes by speach, to pursue the victory, to pursue their glory, not to turne to their owne both destruction and disgrace. The clashing of armour, the iustling of bod-ies, the resounding of blowes, was the fairest part of this bloody medley: but the grislinesse of wounds, the hideous fals and groanes of the dying, all the field defiled with dust, blood, broken armour, mangled bodies, represented Ter72rour in her foulest forme.

Neuer was furie better gouerned; neuer game of death better played. The more they fought the better they fought; the more they smarted, the lesse they regarded smart.

At the last, when the Duke perceiued that the English could not be broken by strength of arme, he gaue direction that his men should retire and giue ground; not loosely, not disorderly, as in a fearefull and confused haste, but aduisedly and for aduantage; keeping the front of their squadron firme and close, without disbanding one foote in array. Nothing was more hurtfull to the English, being of a franke and noble spirit, then that their violent inclination caried them too fast into hope of victory. For, feeling their enemies to yeeld vnder their hand, they did rashly follow those who were not hasty to flee: And in the heate of their pursuit, vpon a false conceit of victory, loosed and disordered their rankes, thinking then of nothing but of executing the chase. The Normans espying the aduantage to be ripe, made a stiffe stand, redoubled vpon the English, and pressing on with a furie equall to their fauourable fortune, with a cruell butchery brake into73 them. On the other side it is scarce credible with what strength both of courage and

hand the English euen in despight of death, sustained themselues in this disorder; drawing into small squadrons, and beating downe their enemies on euery hand, being resolued to sell their liues with their place.

But a mischiefe is no mischiefe, if it comes alone. Besides this disaduantage of disarray, the shot of the Normans, did continually beate vpon the English with a grieuous execution. Among other King Harold about the closing of the euening, as he was busie

in sustaining his armie, both with voyce and with hand, was strooke with an arrow through the left eye into his braines, of which wound hee presently died. His two brothers, Girth and Leofwine were also slaine, and also most of the nobilitie that were present: So long as the King stood, they stood stoutly, both with him, and for him, and by him: his directions supported them, his braue behauiour breathed fresh boldnesse and life into them. But his death was a deadly stabbe to their courage; vpon report of his death, they began to wauer in resolution, whether to trust to the force of their armes, or to74 commend their safetie to their good foote-

manship. In this incertainty many were slaine: Many retired in reasonable order to a rising ground, whither they were closely followed by the Normans; but the English hauing gotten aduantage of the place, and drawing courage out of despaire, with a bloody charge did driue them downe. Count Eustachius supposing fresh forces to be arriued, fled away with fiftie Souldiers in his company; and meeting with the Duke, rounded him secretly in his eare, that if hee went any further hee was vndone. Whilest he was thus speak-

ing, hee was strooke betweene the shoulder with so violent a blowe, that he fell downe as dead, and voided much blood at his nose and mouth. In this conflict many of the noblest Normans were slaine, which mooued the Duke to make a strong ordered stand, giuing libertie therby for those English to retire. Others fled through a watery channell, the passages whereof were well knowen vnto them: and when the Normans did more sharpely then aduisedly pursue, the place being shadowed partly with Sedges and Reedes,

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and partly with the night, they were either stifled in the waters, or easily destroyed75 by the English, and that in so great numbers, that the place was filled vp with dead bodies. The residue scattered in smaller companies, and had their flight fauoured by increasing darkenesse: the enemie not aduenturing to follow, both in a strange Countrey, and in the night. Earle Edwine and Earle Morchar, brothers of approoued both courage and faith, did great seruice at that time, in collecting these dispersed Troupes, and leading them in some fashion to London.

Duke William surprised with Ioy, gaue publike charge for a solemne thanksgiuing to God. Then he erected his pauilion in the middest of the field, among the thickest of those bodies whom death had made to lie quietly together. There he passed the residue of that night; and the next morning mustered his souldiers, buried those that were slaine, and gaue libertie to the English to do the like. The bodie of King Harold could not be knowen by his face, it was so deformed by death, and by his wound; by his armour