The Ragged Road to Abolition

The Ragged Road to Abolition
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Contrary to popular perception, slavery persisted in the North well into the nineteenth century. This was especially the case in New Jersey, the last northern state to pass an abolition statute, in 1804. Because of the nature of the law, which freed children born to enslaved mothers only after they had served their mother's master for more than two decades, slavery continued in New Jersey through the Civil War. Passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865 finally destroyed its last vestiges. The Ragged Road to Abolition chronicles the experiences of slaves and free blacks, as well as abolitionists and slaveholders, during slavery's slow northern death. Abolition in New Jersey during the American Revolution was a contested battle, in which constant economic devastation and fears of freed blacks overrunning the state government limited their ability to gain freedom. New Jersey's gradual abolition law kept at least a quarter of the state's black population in some degree of bondage until the 1830s. The sustained presence of slavery limited African American community formation and forced Jersey blacks to structure their households around multiple gradations of freedom while allowing New Jersey slaveholders to participate in the interstate slave trade until the 1850s. Slavery's persistence dulled white understanding of the meaning of black freedom and helped whites to associate «black» with «slave,» enabling the further marginalization of New Jersey's growing free black population. By demonstrating how deeply slavery influenced the political, economic, and social life of blacks and whites in New Jersey, this illuminating study shatters the perceived easy dichotomies between North and South or free states and slave states at the onset of the Civil War.

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James J. Gigantino II. The Ragged Road to Abolition

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The Ragged Road to Abolition

Slavery and Freedom in New Jersey, 1775–1865

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Jersey slaves, absorbing the rhetoric of revolution from patriot sources, forced the issue of slave freedom even farther when, in 1774, slaveholders in Shrewsbury and Middletown complained that their slaves increasingly ignored the curfew regulations and, as in Somerset, met at night to create a plan to “cut the throats of their masters” and take over the state. In 1775, the Committee of Safety in Shrewsbury safeguarded against black revolt by banning all slave meetings. Any slave found off his master’s property would be arrested immediately. Shrewsbury leaders ordered the militia to conduct nightly slave patrols and gave it authority to punish slaves with at least fifteen lashes for a variety of offenses.67

The fires that ravaged Baltimore, Philadelphia, Savannah, and New York in December 1776 further inflamed tensions among whites already anxious over the possibility of revolt. In 1797, Alexander Hamilton received a letter from Angelica Church, who still suffered from “terrors of fevers and Negro plots” that she traced back directly to the fires of December 1776. New York City newspaper reports claimed that “the minds of the citizens are in a state of agitation” because many believed rebellious slaves had set the fires.68 The fears that kept Church awake at night had been realized for New Yorkers even before 1776. In 1775, whites in densely slave-populated Ulster and Queens Counties reported foiling two separate slave revolts. Ulster slaves had planned to set fire to their masters’ houses and then attack the whites as they fled from the blazes. In Queens, white leaders reported that slaves for “many miles” had been involved in an abstract plot to “destroy the white people.”69 In 1778, masters discovered another such plot in Albany when an anonymous letter claimed that slaves had been ready to kill their masters and set fire to the town.70 These fears were not confined to the New York area. South Carolina slaveholders were panicked by the “dread of instigated insurrections” when they thought that a sloop carrying the new royal governor, William Campbell, brought with it arms for slaves.71 Likewise, Gervais Werch, writing from Charleston in 1775, believed South Carolinians were “threatened with insurrections from our slaves and invasions from our neighbors.”72 Even the Marquis de Lafayette’s party chose, when sailing to Charleston, to “carry arms rather than clothing to defend . . . against marauding Negroes.”73

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