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VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICAN HISTORY
Edited by Pablo Piccato, Federico Finchelstein, and Paul Gillingham
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Though hardly industrial and factory “guerrillas,” the Left did undoubtedly develop a revolutionary praxis that combined effective rank-and-file representation with a larger project of a fundamental transformation of Argentine society, with the working class its major protagonist. Following the Cordobazo, the city witnessed factory occupations, wildcat strikes, and street protests on an unprecedented scale. The Left assumed a prominent and deliberate sponsorship of what were largely workplace-driven conflicts and spontaneous grassroots, rank-and-file agitation to challenge the ortodoxo Peronist trade union leadership in many industries and workplaces. The two Maoist parties, the PCR and the VC, inserted party activists and recruited young workers on the shop floor to serve as a nucleus of union insurgencies against the entrenched ortodoxo leadership, most notably in the form of comisiones obreras, factory committees meant to address workplace issues while also raising political consciousness. Breakaway Peronist factions, of whom the most important in Córdoba was the PB, adopted similar tactics. The PRT, the ERP’s surface organization, adopted similar tactics, with less notable results than it experienced in other parts of the country such as the Rosario industrial belt and in Tucumán’s sugar mills, but still gaining a sizable shop floor presence and recruiting some committed working-class activists as party members. Smaller left-wing organizations such as OCPO likewise adopted a strategy of entrismo, of inserting themselves into the city’s many factories and workplaces, including the white-collar government bureaucracies and the bank and teachers’ unions, and linking revolutionary strategies to broader working-class demands and struggles.22
Collectively, these clasista movements challenged important local, national, and even foreign interests, a number of them interlocking. Italian capital in particular felt threatened. Fiat was in many ways the dominant foreign enterprise in Córdoba, a major employer with its massive automotive complex on the city’s outskirts in Ferreyra but also with ties to sundry other local enterprises, the provider of the turbines to the public provincial power company, EPEC, for example, and with prominent presence in the city’s cultural life. The clasista movements in the Fiat plants in the early 1970s marked a turning point in the company’s increased contacts with local right-wing groups and especially the military, represented locally by the Third Army Corps with its headquarters in Córdoba. The strikes, factory occupations, and hostage taking in Fiat’s Córdoba plants, culminating in the 1972 murder by the ERP of Fiat general manager Oberdán Sallustro, had led to serious financial losses in the Italian company’s most important Latin American operations. Shortly thereafter, the Italian Masonic lodge Propaganda Due (P-2) began to fund the right-wing death squad, the AAA, most active in Buenos Aires and during the 1976–83 military dictatorship, which became a major investor in the banking, publishing, and other industries as Italy emerged as Argentina’s major economic partner. The Italian government for its part was silent on the human rights issue, refused to grant Argentine exiles (many of them of Italian descent) asylum, forcing them to rely on tourist visas and adopting a circumspect position towards Argentina’s military authorities so as not to damage Italian business interests.23
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