Bolshevism: The Enemy of Political and Industrial Democracy

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John Spargo. Bolshevism: The Enemy of Political and Industrial Democracy

Bolshevism: The Enemy of Political and Industrial Democracy

Table of Contents

PREFACE

BOLSHEVISM

CHAPTER I

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

I

II

III

IV

V

VI

VII

VIII

CHAPTER II

FROM REVOLUTION TO REVOLUTION

I

II

III

IV

V

VI

VII

CHAPTER III

THE WAR AND THE PEOPLE

I

II

III

IV

V

VI

CHAPTER IV

THE SECOND REVOLUTION

I

II

III

IV

V

CHAPTER V

FROM BOURGEOISIE TO BOLSHEVIKI

I

II

III

IV

V

VI

VII

VIII

IX

X

XI

CHAPTER VI

THE BOLSHEVIK WAR AGAINST DEMOCRACY

I

II

III

IV

V

Declaration Of The Right's Of The Toiling And Exploited People

Russia's Form Of Government

Democratic Peace

VI

VII

CHAPTER VII

BOLSHEVIST THEORY AND PRACTICE

I

II

III

THE RIGHT TO VOTE. Chapter Thirteen

IV

V

VI

VII

VIII

POSTSCRIPTUM: A PERSONAL STATEMENT

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

AN APPEAL TO THE PROLETARIAT BY THE PETROGRAD WORKMEN'S AND SOLDIERS' COUNCIL

APPENDIX II

HOW THE RUSSIAN PEASANTS FOUGHT FOR A CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY[91]

I. Organization of the Peasants after the Revolution in Soviets of Peasant Delegates

II. The Difficulties of the Beginning of the Revolution

III. The Insurrection of Kornilov

IV. The Bolsheviki and the Constituent Assembly

V. The Fight Concentrates Around the Constituent Assembly

VI. The Bolshevist Insurrection

VII. The Fight Against the Bolsheviki

VIII. The Second Peasant Congress

Bulletin of Members of the Constituent Assembly Belonging to the Socialist-Revolutionist Fraction. No. 5, Dec. 31, 1917

IX. The Manifestation of January 5th at Petrograd

X. At the Taurida Palace on the Day of the Opening of the Constituent Assembly

XI. The Dissolution of the Third All-Russian Peasants' Congress

Procès-verbal of the Session of the III National Congress of Soviets Of Peasants' Delegates, United on the Principle of the Defense of the Constituent Assembly

XII. Conclusion

APPENDIX III

FORMER SOCIALIST PREMIER OF FINLAND ON BOLSHEVISM

FOOTNOTES:

Отрывок из книги

John Spargo

Published by Good Press, 2019

.....

It signified something else, also. There were many who remembered the scandals of the Turkish War, in 1877, when Bessarabia was recovered. At that time there was a perfect riot of graft, corruption, and treachery, much of which came under the observation of the zemstvos of the border. High military officials trafficked in munitions and food-supplies. Food intended for the army was stolen and sold—sometimes, it was said, to the enemy. Materials were paid for, but never delivered to the army at all. The army was demoralized and the Turks repulsed the Russians again and again. Now similar stories began to be circulated. Returning victims told stories of brutal treatment of the troops by officers; of wounded and dying men neglected; of lack of hospital care and medical attention. They told worse stories, too, of open treachery by military officials and others; of army supplies stolen; of shells ordered which would fit no guns the Russian army ever had, and so on. It was suggested, and widely believed, that Germany had connived at the systematic corruption of the Russian bureaucracy and the Russian army, to serve its own imperialistic and economic ends.

Such was the state of Russia at the end of the year 1904. Then came the tragic events of January, 1905, which marked the opening of the Revolution. In order to counteract the agitation of the Social Democrats among the city workers, and the formation by them of trades-unions, the government had caused to be formed "legal" unions—that is, organizations of workmen approved by the government. In order to give these organizations some semblance to real labor-unions, and thereby the better to deceive the workers, strikes were actually inspired by agents of the government from time to time. On more than one occasion strikes thus instigated by the government spread beyond control and caused great alarm. The Czar and his agents were playing with fire.

.....