Crime Bosses
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AT THE TOP OF THE HEAP, IT'S A LONG WAY DOWN…<br /><br /> The Little Fella, George Freeman, phoned to tell the owner of The Palace, an illegal Kings Cross casino, that everything was 'sweet in town – for now'. An all-clear from Sydney's gaming boss. He tended to have the right oil.<br /><br /> Beer, served in contravention of liquor licence conditions, at heavily marked up prices, was the liquid gold that gave Abe Saffron his start as a crime boss. 'Mr Sin' rebuilt Kings Cross from there.<br /><br /> Carl Williams joked that he ran Victoria, that he was 'the premier'. He wasn't of course, but he behaved like the State's Lord High Executioner for five bloody years. Why?<br /> For 12 years, nine blocks of Cabramatta were Heroin Central. Tri Minh Tran's 5T street gang run them.<br /><br /> L'Onorata Societa [The Honored Society], our mafia, celebrates 100 years since its first killing in the 2020s. Here, we look at how bosses handle succession and generational change. Shotguns appear regularly.
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The authority of an Australian crime boss usually rests on his reputation. Some Italo-Australian and perhaps some Chinese-Australian criminal networks appoint their bosses, but most criminals simply acknowledge the personal authority of some others.
He—for Australia has been short of female crime bosses since Sydney’s 1920s—may have charisma and personal charm: many are cheerful men, generous hosts, good listeners and helpful in solving the problems of others. He may have been favoured by nature for such a role: cold commanding eyes or a body like a Mack truck for two examples. Stories told about him help him get what he wants from others, stories of his power, of his ruthlessness, victories as a street-fighting man, connections, or the ill fortune that befalls his enemies. If the boss is a man of influence, his word can influence others to stay off his back, or to ride the backs of his enemies. Such men, particularly if they have deep pockets, have the potential to harm the interests of others from a distance. All are, by one means or another, ‘heavies’. Softies do not run criminal enterprises, or not for long anyway. The potential for violence is part of the executive package, whether he is the boss of six blocks or Il Principale.
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The sources of George’s public grief were articles, broadcasts and mentions in every relevant inquiry, a few court cases, and in parliament mainly. Anything that ‘came out’ about George Freeman was news. He is on the money when he says he suffered being labeled guilty by association. The question always is: what were his associates and him doing? It is easy to assume a criminal subject and purpose, but assumption is never enough.
A Criminal Intelligence Unit report got tabled in Macquarie Street. This was leaked and provoked Questions in the House, grief for Premier Wran (who stood down until investigation of how it got there was complete) and grief for George Freeman.
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