The Communist Manifesto

The Communist Manifesto
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"The Communist Manifesto" is an 1848 political document by German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Commissioned by the Communist League and originally published in London just as the Revolutions of 1848 began to erupt, it was later recognized as one of the world's most influential political documents. It presents an analytical approach to the class struggle (historical and then-present) and the conflicts of capitalism and the capitalist mode of production, rather than a prediction of communism's potential future forms. «Manifesto of the Communist Party» summarizes Marx and Engels' theories concerning the nature of society and politics and briefly features their ideas for how the capitalist society of the time would eventually be replaced by socialism. In its last paragraph, the authors call for a «forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions», which served as a call for communist revolutions around the world.

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Karl Marx. The Communist Manifesto

The Communist Manifesto

Table of Contents

PREFACE

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

I. BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS.(a)

II. PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS

III. SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE

I. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM (a) Feudal Socialism

(b) Petty Bourgeois Socialism

(c) German or "True" Socialism

2. CONSERVATIVE OR BOURGEOIS SOCIALISM

3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM

IV. POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION. TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES

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Karl Marx

OK Publishing, 2020

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From our joint preface to the German edition of 1872, I quote the following:

"However much the state of things may have altered during the last twenty-five years, the general principles laid down in this Manifesto are, on the whole, as correct to-day as ever. Here and there some detail might be improved. The practical application of the principles will depend, as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at all times, on the historical conditions for the time being existing, and for that reason no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures proposed at the end of Section II. That passage would, in many respects, be very differently worded to-day. In view of the gigantic strides of modern industry since 1848, and of the accompanying improved and extended organization of the working class; in view of the practical experience gained, first in the February revolution, and then, still more, in the Paris Commune, where the proletariat for the first time held political power for two whole months, this programme has in some details become antiquated. One thing especially was proved by the Commune, viz., that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made State machinery, and wield it for its own purposes.' (See 'The Civil War in France; Address of the General Council of the International Workingmen's Association,' London, Truelove, 1871, p. 15, where this point is further developed.) Further, it is self-evident that the criticism of Socialist literature is deficient in relation to the present time, because it comes down only to 1847; also, that the remarks on the relation of the Communists to the various opposition parties (Section IV.), although in principle still correct, yet in practice are antiquated, because the political situation has been entirely changed, and the progress of history has swept from off the earth the greater portion of the political parties there enumerated.

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