The Case Against Trump

The Case Against Trump
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Donald Trump, who rocketed to the top of the polls in the early GOP primary race, is an unlikely Republican front-runner: a longtime supporter of Democratic politicians with a history of taking views opposed to those of mainstream conservatives. A household name for his reality-television show and his tawdry tabloid history, he has connected with an underappreciated strain of right-wing populists by focusing his fire on a single issue: immigration.In this Broadside, Kevin D. Williamson takes a hard look at the Trump phenomenon and the failures of the national Republican leadership – and defects in our national character – that gave it life. Trump may or may not be in the race for the long haul, but in either case, Trumpism will remain a force.

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Kevin D. Williamson. The Case Against Trump

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ENCOUNTER BROADSIDES Inaugurated in the fall of 2009, Encounter Broadsides are a series of timely pamphlets and e-books from Encounter Books. Uniting an 18th century sense of public urgency and rhetorical wit (think The Federalist Papers, Common Sense) with 21st century technology and channels of distribution, Encounter Broadsides offer indispensable ammunition for intelligent debate on the critical issues of our time. Written with passion by some of our most authoritative authors, Encounter Broadsides make the case for ordered liberty and the institutions of democratic capitalism at a time when they are under siege from the resurgence of collectivist sentiment. Read them in a sitting and come away knowing the best we can hope for and the worst we must fear.

Beginning

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The familiar litany of complaints is no less true for being dear to the hearts of bigots. Hispanics have significantly higher rates of welfare dependency than whites (“Indicators of Welfare Dependence,” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services), higher crime rates (“Crime in the United States 2013,” Federal Bureau of Investigation), and lower levels of educational attainment (U.S. Census). Studies do show that immigrants as a category raise real wages for the native-born population, but this is statistical sleight of hand: the study generally cited in service of this claim (by Patricia Cortes of the University of Chicago) is slightly misleading in that the claim of higher real wages excludes the 15 percent of the population who are immigrants (thus the “native born” qualifier). When the entire population is considered, the effects of immigration on domestic wages are slightly negative. And the positive effects on real wages for the native-born population come almost exclusively through putting downward pressure on prices (which sends “real wages” higher even when the number on the paycheck is the same, or lower) by lowering wages at the labor-intensive, low-skilled end of the market.

Discussing these issues forthrightly from a point of view of the American national interest is practically taboo.

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