The Political Economy of Reforms in Egypt

The Political Economy of Reforms in Egypt
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What are the long-term structural features of the Egyptian economy? What are the factors that have facilitated or inhibited its performance? This crucial and timely work answers these questions and more by examining the most important economic decisions to have impacted the Egyptian economy since 1952 and the political factors behind them. Drawing on Khalid Ikram's extensive knowledge of economic policymaking at the highest levels, <em>The Political Economy of Reforms in Egypt, 1952-2016 </em>lays out the enduring features of the Egyptian economy and its performance since 1952 before presenting an account of policy-making, growth and structural change under the country's successive presidents to the present day. Topics covered include agrarian reforms; the Aswan High Dam; the move towards Arab socialism and a planned economy; the reversal of strategy and<em> </em>the<em> infitah</em>; fiscal, monetary, and exchange-rate policies; consumer subsidies; external debt crises; negotiations between Egypt and international donors and financial institutions; privatization; labor and employment; and poverty and income distribution. The analysis concludes with an examination of institutional reforms and development strategies to tackle the Egyptian economy's structural problems and lay the foundation for sustained and rapid growth. Written from the point of view of a 'participant-observer,' this book will be indispensable to students of political economy, to scholars of Egypt and the Middle East, and to the general reader who wishes to understand, especially from the wealth of insider information provided, how domestic and international politics and economics can interact to shape decisions that promote, or prevent, economic reforms.

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Khalid Ikram. The Political Economy of Reforms in Egypt

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Preface

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A few examples might help convey a flavor of this problem. I have already quoted the Ministry of the Public Enterprise Sector’s estimate that in 1996 (before the Egyptian authorities had agreed to a restructuring of the public enterprise labor force under an IMF/World Bank program), almost one-third of the more than 900,000 workers employed in public-sector enterprises were redundant. Earlier, Waterbury (1983, 246) quoted an official report on overstaffing which noted that in 1975 the Ministry of Human Resources asked the Ministry of Agriculture for the number of graduates that it would need in the following year. The answer was 261 university graduates and 495 with secondary agricultural diplomas. Facing this demand was a supply of eight thousand graduates of agriculture faculties and higher institutes, and eleven thousand holders of agricultural secondary school diplomas. One can only guess at the frustration suffered by graduates who were unsuccessful in getting one of the advertised jobs, and also by those who were forced by circumstances to accept jobs the requirements of which fell well below the graduate’s qualifications.

The problem is durable. Nearly a quarter of a century after the incident described by Waterbury, a headline in the Egyptian Mail (December 5, 1998, p. 2) blared that “3 Million Employees Get Paid for Doing Nothing.” The report quoted the state minister of administrative development complaining that “there are 5 million [public] employees in Egypt, but there are only 2 million jobs. It means that 3 million employees are doing nothing, not to mention that they can slow down the progress of the work.” He urged the country to stop appointing ten persons where there was work only for one. As yet another instance, Galal (2002) reported a government announcement of the availability of 170,000 jobs being confronted by a tsunami of more than 5 million applications.

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