In the Name of the People
Описание книги
In the Name of the People is an analysis and reflection on the global populist surge, written from the local forms it takes in the places we inhabit: the United States, Catalonia, France, Italy, Japan, Korea, Lebanon, Mexico, Quebec, Russia, and Ukraine. The upheaval and polarizations caused by populist policies around the world indicates above all the urgency to develop a series of planetary revolutionary interpretations, and to make the necessary connections in order to understand and act in the world. The ghost of the People has returned to the world stage, claiming to be the only force capable of correcting or taking charge of the excesses of the time. The relationship between the collapse of certain orders, the multiplication of civil wars, and the incessant appeal to the People is clear: as the liberal mode of governance experiences a global legitimation crisis, different forms of right and left populism gain strength within the fractures of ever expanding ruins. Populism has now become familiar as a global phenomenon: from the eruptions of the far right in the West to the populist capture of the movement of the squares—Syriza in Greece, Podemos in Spain, the Five Star Movement in Italy, or Our Revolution in the United States—to the electoral victories of Rodrigo Duterte, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Narendra Modi, Benjamin Netanyahu, Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, and Brexit, all alongside large populist gains in every European country. While disparate in many ways, these dynamics all share an appeal to combat the rule and sensibility of the elites, with the help of a figure that can channel the affective energies of discontent through operations of identification and exclusion. And yet, from the Narodniki to the Black Panthers and Zapatistas, to the emancipatory political movements which expressed themselves as the authentic people—Nuit Debout, the 99%, the indignados—history reminds us of revolutionary populisms. How do we distinguish the new from the old? What are their limits and potentials? What is the nature of the affective flows that characterize their relations? How do we address the indeterminacy inherent in mass movements and mobilizations, as well as their confusions, fears, and hesitancies? Friends: we pose the question of populism to you because it is the question our time poses to us.
Оглавление
Liaisons. In the Name of the People
IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
SEPARATING SEPARATISMS. On Quebecois and Indigenous Nationalisms
I: COUNTERFEIT
II: PLANE OF CONSISTENCY, 1970
III: AMPHIBOLOGY
IV: SEPARATING SEPARATION
V: JUNCTION
A VERY LONG WINTER
TROUBLED WATERS
THE GRANDFATHERS’ WAR
RUSSIAN ANTIFA AND STATE ANTIFASCISM
THE RUSSIAN SPRING VS. MAIDAN
THE PEOPLE’S ANTIFASCIST UPRISING
AFTER 2014
OTHER HISTORIES
A PUEBLO, A WORLD
DECOMPOSE JAPAN. PREMISES
JAPAN: THE APPARATUSES OF CAPTURE
QUESTIONS ON THE BATTLEGROUND
THESES ON ISLAMISM
POPULIST IDENTITY
POPULIST SPACE
EGYPT AND ISLAMISM
SALAFISMS
TO GO BEYOND
POPULIST SOVEREIGNTY AND ITS NEGATION
POPULIST ISLAM
AMERICAN TRIPTYCH
1
2
3
K-POPULISM
SCENE AFTER SCENE
SCENE ONE: THE SCANDAL OF CHOI SOON-SIL
SCENE TWO: SHIPWRECK WITH SPECTATORS
THE PARK DYNASTY AND THE REPUBLIC
SCENE THREE: GANGNAM STATION MURDER
CONVERGENT SCENES: THE 2017 CANDLELIGHT REVOLUTION
HEGEMONY OF SCENES
SCENES AND TERRAINS IN OUR STRUGGLES
ELLIPSES
THE PEOPLE OF APOCALYPSE. Vox Populi, Vox Dei, Salvate
LANDSCAPE 1: ENDS WITHOUT END—SEASONS COME UNDONE, MELODIES ARE LOST, AND NEVERTHELESS NOTHING CHANGES
LANDSCAPE II: TIKKUN
LANDSCAPE III: THE PEOPLE
LANDSCAPE IV: NEOLIBERALISM
LANDSCAPE V: BECOME UNGOVERNABLE
RUIN, FURY, FRAGMENTATION. Catalans, One More Effort!
PART I: FURY. 1
2
3
4
PART 2: FRAGMENT TO FRAGMENT
5
6
7
8
PART 3: FRAGMENTATION
9
10
11
12
PART 4: RUIN
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
GREETINGS FROM THE PENINSULA
INDEX
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
N
O
P
Q
R
S
T
U
V
W
X
Y
Z
ABOUT LIAISONS
ABOUT COMMON NOTIONS
Отрывок из книги
For Clark Fitzgerald
SEPARATING SEPARATISMS: On Quebecois and Indigenous Nationalisms
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Now, in the surrounding Quebecois society, this crisis of almost three months would be the scene of a strong reaction of suburbanites, who responded to the blockade of the Mercier Bridge by staging racist riots, burning the effigies of Native people, and assaulting Mohawk families who took flight during the conflict with stones. These demonstrations of racial hatred, encouraged by certain “patriotic” media outlets, revealed to what point Quebecois society is keen on well-functioning infrastructure. Under the slogans “Masters of our own home!” (which had first served the nationalization of electricity) and “Quebec for the Quebecois,” Quebecois nationalism in this way turned into anti-Indigenous reaction, assuming—as far as possible from separatism—the point of view of a majority society bent on suppressing all dispute.
If the course of the history of revolutionary independentism ruptured in October 1970, it was in 1990, during the Oka Crisis, that the parentheses definitively closed. Confronted with an internal separatism, the Quebecois people reacted with a violent tension, accompanied by outpourings of racist rage and cheers for the police and the army. The Quebecois minority, finding a constant in the history of anticolonial nationalisms, inept in its language and profoundly lulled by feelings of victimization, transformed all the more easily into a mass of hatred and resentment when faced with another difference that challenged its hard-won national unity.
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