Migration Studies and Colonialism

Migration Studies and Colonialism
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The history of migration is deeply entangled with colonialism. To this day, colonial logics continue to shape the dynamics of migration as well as the responses of states to those arriving at their borders. And yet migration studies has been surprisingly slow to engage with colonial histories in making sense of migratory phenomena today. This book starts from the premise that colonial histories should be central to migration studies and explores what it would mean to really take that seriously. To engage with this task, Lucy Mayblin and Joe Turner argue that scholars need not forge new theories but must learn from and be inspired by the wealth of literature that already exists across the world. Providing a range of inspiring and challenging perspectives on migration, the authors’ aim is to demonstrate what paying attention to colonialism, through using the tools offered by postcolonial, decolonial and related scholarship, can offer those studying international migration today. Offering a vital intervention in the field, this important book asks scholars and students of migration to explore the histories and continuities of colonialism in order to better understand the present.

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Lucy Mayblin. Migration Studies and Colonialism

Contents

Guide

Pages

Migration Studies and Colonialism

Copyright page

Acknowledgements

Foreword: On the Beginnings of Migration: Europe and Colonialism

1 Introduction. Migration studies and colonialism

The growing call to ‘decolonize’ the social sciences

Does migration studies need to think about colonialism?

Postcolonialism, decoloniality and Third World approaches to international law

Structure of the book

2 Time and Space: Migration and Modernity. Introduction

Problematizing the concept of modernity in the social sciences

Eurocentrism

North, South, East and West in colonial modernity

Modernity, migration and development

Can Eurocentrism be overcome?

Conclusion

3 ‘Race’ and Racism in International Migration. Introduction

Empire and the invention of race

Knowledge, modernity and huMan

Race, violence and slavery

Racism’s two registers: biology and culture

Race, movement and immigration

Conclusion

4 Putting Sovereignty, Citizenship and Migration in Dialogue with Past and Present Colonialisms. Introduction

Connected histories, connected sociologies

Migration as decolonization

Indigenous sovereignty and immigration

No borders?

Conclusion

5 Deconstructing Forced Migration, Rethinking Asylum. Introduction

Asylum is a human right: postcolonial and decolonial perspectives on ‘man’ and ‘human’

The myth of difference and the silencing of colonialism

Man and human as a colonial construct

Uprooting: deconstructing forced migration

Necropolitics: governing the uprooted through death

Conclusion

6 Towards a Colonial Account of Security and Borders. Introduction

Terrorism and race

Anti-Muslim racism as ‘bio-cultural’

Colonial rule and security

Towards a global account of security and borders

Securitization in the Global South

Postcolonial borders (in Palestine)

Decolonizing borders

Political violence and terror

Conclusions

7 Gender, Sexuality, Colonialism … and Migration. Introduction

Gender and sexuality in migration studies

Intersectionality

Decolonial feminism: the coloniality of gender

Ungendering and anti-blackness

Queer-of-colour critique

Conclusion

8 Conclusion

References

Index

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Lucy Mayblin and Joe Turner

Our modern world has been significantly shaped by historical processes and structures that have been in place from the late fifteenth century onwards. These have shaped our institutions and our understandings. We can use the figure of Columbus and his voyages to stand for the beginning of these processes and structures and how they have been understood within Europe. As Locke wrote in the late seventeenth century, ‘in the beginning all the World was America’. That is, in their discovery of the Americas, Europeans believed that they were encountering earlier versions of themselves. This laid the groundwork for particular understandings of hierarchies among and between populations across the world. If those peoples encountered by early European travellers were effectively understood as being their ancestors, then Europeans could both show them the (predetermined) future and be unconcerned about their elimination. The first justifies the belief in ‘development’; the second suggests that the disappearance of other cultures, peoples, is not a consequence of European actions but a quasi-natural phenomenon.

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There are criticisms to be made of the extent to which world systems theory adequately accounted for, or then instrumentalized, race and gender in the world system (Grosfoguel 2011). Nevertheless, this is undeniably a corner of migration studies which has sought to incorporate an account of historical colonial power relations in seeking to make sense of the present. Equally, Latin American decolonial work on the ‘coloniality of power’ is indebted to world systems theory even as it departs from its primarily economic focus (Quijano 2000). It is here that we see emerging some decolonial analyses of migration which are alive to the importance of colonial histories, and indeed presents (Grosfoguel, Oso and Christou 2015).

A postcolonial awareness is also visible in, if not central to, other areas of migration studies. Scholars who research the European context often, for example, note the movement of migrants from former colonies to former metropoles in the second half of the twentieth century (Geddes and Scholten 2016). These ‘postcolonial’ migrations have given rise to many studies which, though more often cited in sociologies of race and ethnicity or cultural studies (for example, Cohen and Jonsson 2011; Gilroy 2002b, 2004; Hall 1996c; Wemyss 2009), nevertheless overlap with the concerns of migration researchers (for example, race and racism as legacies of empire are strong themes in Joppke 1999). Those who research the settler colonies as ‘countries of immigration’ also often note the colonial history of those countries, albeit often too briefly and rarely with an engagement with settler colonialism as an ongoing phenomenon. Those who work on what is increasingly dubbed ‘South–South’ migration are, furthermore, offering a wellspring of non-Eurocentric analytical frameworks which, if not necessarily centring colonial histories, are certainly working against Eurocentrism and are very much alive to the connected colonial histories that link different parts of the world (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh 2015; Fiddian-Qasmiyeh and Daley 2019).

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