Terror

Terror
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At the heart of how history sees the French Revolution lies the enigma of the Terror. How did this archetypal revolution, founded on the principles of liberty and equality and the promotion of human rights, arrive at circumstances where it carried out the violent and terrible repression of its opponents? The guillotine, initially designed to be a ‘humane’ form of capital punishment, became a formidable instrument of political repression and left a deep imprint, not only on how we see the Revolution, but also on how France’s image has been depicted in the world. This book reconstructs the Terror in all its complexity. It shows that the popular view of a so-called ‘system of terror’ was retrospectively invented by the group of revolutionaries who overthrew Robespierre, as a way of trying to exonerate themselves from culpability. What we think of as ‘the Terror’ is best understood as an improvised and sometimes chaotic response to events, based on the urgent needs of a revolutionary government confronted by a succession of political and military crises. It was a government of ‘exception’ – a crisis government. Terror brings together a wealth of factual elements, along with recent thinking on the ideological, emotional and tactical dimensions of revolutionary politics, to throw new light on how the phenomenon of terror came to demonise the image and memory of the French Revolution. It will be essential reading for students and scholars of the French Revolution and for anyone concerned with the ways in which political conflict can descend into violence.

Оглавление

Michel Biard. Terror

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations

Guide

Pages

Terror. The French Revolution and Its Demons

Dedication

Note on the Text

Acknowledgements

Foreword

Introduction: The Demons of Terror

Notes

Chapter 1 The Terror – a Concept Imposed by the Thermidorians

1. How the ‘system of terror’ and the black legend of Robespierre were retrospectively invented

2. Developing use of the word ‘terror’ between 1789 and 1794

3. ‘Terror as the order of the day’: an unsaid, unofficial yet widespread order from the Convention

Notes

Chapter 2 The Meaning of ‘Terror’ Before the Revolution

1. Terrorand Enlightenment. A problematic connection

2. The concept of ‘terror’ in the Ancien Régime

3. The role of terror in political theory

Notes

Chapter 3 Terror in the Heart: The Weight of Fears and Emotions

1. The spectre of conspiracy and treason

2. The flow of emotions and fears

3. The impossible combination of virtue and terror

Notes

Chapter 4 The Revolution and its Opponents: Clashes and the Intensification of Repression

1. Legislation targeting refractory clergy andémigrés

2. ‘The suspects’: how the net of suspicion widened

3. Repression against ‘federalism’ and the emblematic case of the Lyon revolt

Notes

Chapter 5 Creating Revolutionary Law: A Time of Political Exception

1. From ordinary law to ‘revolutionary’ law

2. ‘Revolutionary’ institutions and their role in repression

3. The recourse to extraordinary justice

Notes

Chapter 6 Terror in the Convention: Political Conflict as an Engine of ‘Terror’

1. The Convention and the clubs: from political strife to ‘purging’

2. From arrests to political trials

3. Death as a means to eliminate opponents in the Convention

4. The elimination of factions, the apogee of ‘terror’ or the will to end it?

Notes

Chapter 7 Paris and the Vendée at the Heart of the ‘Terror’

1. Paris, capital of thesans-culottemovement

2. Paris, epicentre of the ‘Terror’

3. The ‘military Vendée’, a zone of civil war

Notes

Chapter 8 Who Lived and Who Died? The Difficult Balance Sheets of Terror

1. Working out the death toll

2. Fraternal France and fratricidal France

Notes

Conclusion: How the Convention Reconstructed Itself After Thermidor

Notes

Chronology for the Years of the National Convention

Maps

Some Further Reading

Index. A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

I

J

K

L

M

N

O

P

Q

R

S

T

V

W

POLITY END USER LICENSE AGREEMENT

Отрывок из книги

Michel Biard and Marisa Linton

With a Foreword by Timothy Tackett

.....

In the autumn of 1792, a letter in the newspaper Le Moniteur reported how French troops entered Belgium after the victory at Jemappes (6 November): ‘Dumouriez is at the gates of Brussels. Terror precedes the republic’s victorious armies. The despots and their cowardly servants are on the run.’28 In the first months of the Vendée uprising in 1793 (on the Vendée, see chapter 7), ‘terror’ was often used in its military, not political, meaning, as in a terror inflicted by soldiers, as two news items in Le Moniteur on 2 July show. The first, a dispatch from the northern front, related that ‘the French victory near Arlon had truly instilled terror in the area, so much so that the boat masters of Trier had received an order to keep their boats nearby in order to transport the warehouses further away.’29 The second item, a letter from General Westermann, announced that ‘the terrible example of Amailloux and the castle of Lescure sowed terror among the lost inhabitants’. Amailloux was a town in which Westermann’s troops hunted down the Vendéen rebels, burning down buildings and killing a number of inhabitants while the general proclaimed that any village providing aid or recruits to the rebels would suffer the same fate. That same day, he burnt down the castle of Clisson, residence to Lescure, one of the Vendéen leaders. This recourse to terror did not, in itself, seem to raise any doubt, considering that the convergence of these two events, on different military fronts, one exterior, the other interior, shows that the military meaning of the term was well accepted. On the other hand, the fact that the example Westermann wished to give affected not only the armed rebels but also civilians testifies to the horrors of a local civil war. This military meaning of ‘terror’, furthermore, never stopped being operative, with numerous examples available from debates in the Convention and published writings in the press. On 16 Messidor Year II (4 July 1794) for example, about three weeks before 9 Thermidor and in the middle of the month with the greatest number of executions by guillotine in Paris, Barère used ‘terror’ in a military sense, not a political one, even if he was careful to employ the fashionable political rhetoric of the time on the notion of the ‘order of the day’:

Terror and flight were the order of the day for the odious hordes. The French troops cannot follow the flight of the imperial eagle, and the lands of Belgium are not so wide, and lack enough strongholds, to protect or hide the flight of the confederates … Ostend was the barbarous warehouse of the royal coalition, the overflowing granary of the armies, the most complete arsenal of tyrants, and the infernal support of the London court, which will also be taught to know terror, just like its satellites make its deadly experience … Terror and discouragement reign today among the slaves.30

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