Along the Bolivian Highway

Along the Bolivian Highway
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Along the Bolivian Highway traces the emergence of a new middle class in Bolivia, a society commonly portrayed as the site of struggle between a superwealthy white minority and a destitute indigenous majority. Miriam Shakow shows how Bolivian middle classes have deeply shaped politics and social life. While national political leaders like Evo Morales have proclaimed a new era of indigenous power and state-led capitalism in place of racial exclusion and neoliberal free trade, Bolivians of indigenous descent who aspire to upward mobility have debated whether to try to rise within their country's longstanding hierarchies of race and class or to break down those hierarchies. The ascent of indigenous politics, and a boom in coca and cocaine production beginning in the 1970s, have created dilemmas for «middling» Bolivians who do not fit the prevailing social binaries of white elite and indigenous poor. In their family relationships, political activism, and community life, the new middle class confronted competing moral imperatives. Focusing on social and political struggles that hinged on class and racial status in a provincial boomtown in central Bolivia, Shakow recounts the experiences of first-generation teachers, agronomists, lawyers, and prosperous merchants. They puzzled over whom to marry, how to claim public interest in the face of accusations of selfishness, and whether to seek political patronage jobs amid high unemployment. By linking the intimate politics within families to regional and national power struggles, Along the Bolivian Highway sheds light on what it means to be middle class in the global south.

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Miriam Shakow. Along the Bolivian Highway

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Along the Bolivian Highway

Kirin Narayan and Alma Gottlieb, Series Editors

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Self-interest, like collective interest, is a central human motivation. When MAS leaders and development workers perceived that their attempts at political transformation had failed, they often blamed citizens’ moral failure. MAS leaders expressed disappointment when citizens were unable, in their view, to properly assume an attitude of public-mindedness over private interest. Such language of blame ignores both the structural constraints on Bolivians’ realizing their own middle-class aspirations and the practical ways in which individuals drew on multiple frameworks in participating in public life. These observations lead me, like Ernesto Laclau (1992:9), to argue that self-interest and individual interest often blur in political practice, despite the widespread assumption in political theory that we can analytically distinguish between the two (see also Seligman 1992).

In practice, many Sacabans described their hopes for the future in ways that combined individual middle-class aspirations, collective prosperity for indigenous and poor Bolivians, and the uplift of Bolivia from its subordinate position in the global geopolitical community of nations. Many prosperous Sacabans who fervently supported MAS in the early years of Evo’s government described themselves as members of the historically excluded indigenous majority and therefore asserted that their individual interests were the interests of the nation.11

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