The Integration of the US Armed Forces

The Integration of the US Armed Forces
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"In the quarter century that followed American entry into World War II, the nation's armed forces moved from the reluctant inclusion of a few segregated Negroes to their routine acceptance in a racially integrated military establishment. Nor was this change confined to military installations. By the time it was over, the armed forces had redefined their traditional obligation for the welfare of their members to include a promise of equal treatment for black servicemen wherever they might be. In the name of equality of treatment and opportunity, the Department of Defense began to challenge racial injustices deeply rooted in American society. For all its sweeping implications, equality in the armed forces obviously had its pragmatic aspects. In one sense it was a practical answer to pressing political problems that had plagued several national administrations. In another, it was the services' expression of those liberalizing tendencies that were permeating American society during the era of civil rights activism. But to a considerable extent the policy of racial equality that evolved in this quarter century was also a response to the need for military efficiency. So easy did it become to demonstrate the connection between inefficiency and discrimination that, even when other reasons existed, military efficiency was the one most often evoked by defense officials to justify a change in racial policy." Morris J. MacGregor, Jr., received the A.B. and M.A. degrees in history from the Catholic University of America. He continued his graduate studies at the Johns Hopkins University and the University of Paris on a Fulbright grant. Before joining the staff of the U.S. Army Center of Military History in 1968 he served for ten years in the Historical Division of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

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Morris J. MacGregor. The Integration of the US Armed Forces

The Integration of the US Armed Forces

Table of Contents

Illustrations

Tables

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The Armed Forces Before 1940

Civil Rights and the Law in 1940

To Segregate Is To Discriminate

CHAPTER 2

World War II: The Army

A War Policy: Reaffirming Segregation

Segregation and Efficiency

The Need for Change

Internal Reform: Amending Racial Practices

Two Exceptions

CHAPTER 3

World War II: The Navy

Development of a Wartime Policy

A Segregated Navy

Progressive Experiments

Forrestal Takes the Helm

CHAPTER 4

World War II: The Marine Corps and the Coast Guard

The First Black Marines

New Roles for Black Coast Guardsmen

CHAPTER 5

A Postwar Search

Black Demands

The Army's Grand Review

The Navy's Informal Inspection

CHAPTER 6

New Directions

The Gillem Board Report

Integration of the General Service

The Marine Corps

CHAPTER 7

A Problem of Quotas

The Quota in Practice

Broader Opportunities

Assignments

A New Approach

The Quota System: An Assessment

CHAPTER 8

Segregation's Consequences

Discipline and Morale Among Black Troops

Improving the Status of the Segregated Soldier

Discrimination and the Postwar Army

Segregation in Theory and Practice

Segregation: An Assessment

CHAPTER 9

The Postwar Navy

The Steward's Branch

Black Officers

Public Image and the Problem of Numbers

CHAPTER 10

The Postwar Marine Corps

Racial Quotas and Assignments

Recruitment

Segregation and Efficiency

Toward Integration

CHAPTER 11

The Postwar Air Force

Segregation and Efficiency

Impulse for Change

CHAPTER 12

The President Intervenes

The Truman Administration and Civil Rights

Civil Rights and the Department of Defense

Executive Order 9981

CHAPTER 13

Service Interests Versus Presidential Intent

Public Reaction to Executive Order 9981

The Army: Segregation on the Defensive

A Different Approach

The Navy: Business as Usual

Adjustments in the Marine Corps

The Air Force Plans for Limited Integration

CHAPTER 14

The Fahy Committee Versus the Department of Defense

The Committee's Recommendations

A Summer of Discontent

Assignments

Quotas

An Assessment

CHAPTER 15

The Role of the Secretary of Defense. 1949–1951

Overseas Restrictions

Congressional Concerns

CHAPTER 16

Integration in the Air Force and the Navy

The Air Force, 1949–1951

The Navy and Executive Order 9981

CHAPTER 17

The Army Integrates

Race and Efficiency: 1950

Training

Performance of Segregated Units

Final Arguments

Integration of the Eighth Army

Integration of the European and Continental Commands

CHAPTER 18

Integration of the Marine Corps

Impetus for Change

Assignments

CHAPTER 19

A New Era Begins

The Civil Rights Revolution

Limitations on Executive Order 9981

Integration of Navy Shipyards

Dependent Children and Integrated Schools

CHAPTER 20

Limited Response to Discrimination

The Kennedy Administration and Civil Rights

The Department of Defense, 1961–1963

Discrimination Off the Military Reservation

Reserves and Regulars: A Comparison

CHAPTER 21

Equal Treatment and Opportunity Redefined

The Secretary Makes a Decision

The Gesell Committee

Reaction to a New Commitment

The Gesell Committee: Final Report

CHAPTER 22

Equal Opportunity in the Military Community

Creating a Civil Rights Apparatus

Fighting Discrimination Within the Services

CHAPTER 23

From Voluntary Compliance to Sanctions

Development of Voluntary Action Programs

Civil Rights, 1964–1966

The Civil Rights Act and Voluntary Compliance

The Limits of Voluntary Compliance

CHAPTER 24

Conclusion

Why the Services Integrated

How the Services Integrated, 1946–1954

Equal Treatment and Opportunity

Note on Sources

Official Archival Material

Personal Collections

Interviews

Printed Materials

Footnote. Chapter 1

Chapter 2

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Chapter 9

Chapter 10

Chapter 11

Chapter 12

Chapter 13

Chapter 14

Chapter 15

Chapter 16

Chapter 17

Chapter 18

Chapter 19

Chapter 20

Chapter 21

Chapter 22

Chapter 23

Chapter 24

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Morris J. MacGregor

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By 1943 Negroes within and without the War Department had just about exhausted arguments for a policy change. After two years of trying, Judge Hastie came to believe that change was possible only in response to "strong and manifest public opinion." He concluded that he would be far more useful as a private citizen who could express his views freely and publicly than he was as a War Department employee, bound to conform to official policy. Quitting the department, Hastie joined the increasingly vocal black organizations in a sustained attack on the Army's segregation policy, an attack that was also being translated into political action by the major civil rights organizations. In 1943, a full year before the national elections, representatives of twenty-five civil rights groups met and formulated the demands they would make of the presidential candidates: full integration (some groups tempered this demand by calling for integrated units of volunteers); abolition of racial quotas; abolition of segregation in recreational and other Army facilities; abolition of blood plasma segregation; development of an educational program in race relations in the Army; greater black participation in combat forces; and the progressive removal of black troops from areas where they were subject to disrespect, abuse, and even violence.64

The Army could not afford to ignore these demands completely, as Truman K. Gibson, Jr., Judge Hastie's successor, pointed out.65 The political situation indicated that the racial policy of the armed forces would be an issue in the next national election. Recalling the changes forced on the Army as a result of political pressures applied before the 1940 election, Gibson predicted that actions that might now seem impolitic to the Army and the White House might not seem so during the next campaign when the black vote could influence the outcome in several important states, including New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Michigan. Already the Chicago Tribune and other anti-administration groups were trying to encourage black protest in terms not always accurate but nonetheless believable to the black voter. Gibson suggested that the Army act before the political pressure became even more intense.66

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