The New Old World

The New Old World
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Описание книги

A magisterial analysis of Europe's development since the end of the Cold War. The New Old World looks at the history of the European Union, the core continental countries within it, and the issue of its further expansion into Asia. It opens with a consideration of the origins and outcomes of European integration since the Second World War, and how today's EU has been theorized across a range of contemporary disciplines. It then moves to more detailed accounts of political and cultural developments in the three principal states of the original Common Market—France, Germany and Italy. A third section explores the interrelated histories of Cyprus and Turkey that pose a leading geopolitical challenge to the Community. The book ends by tracing ideas of European unity from the Enlightenment to the present, and their bearing on the future of the Union. The New Old World offers a critical portrait of a continent now increasingly hailed as a moral and political example to the world at large.

Оглавление

Perry Anderson. The New Old World

THE NEW OLD WORLD

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

FOREWORD

ORIGINS

1995

1

2

OUTCOMES

2007

1

2

3

THEORIES

2007

1

2

3

4

FRANCE

I · 2004

1

2

3

4

II · 2009

1

2

3

GERMANY

I · 1998

1

2

3

II · 2009

1

2

3

4

5

ITALY

I · 2002

1

2

3

4

II · 2008

1

2

3

4

CYPRUS

2007

1

2

3

4

5

6

TURKEY

2008

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

ANTECEDENTS

1

2

3

4

5

6

PROGNOSES

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

INDEX

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THE NEW OLD WORLD

Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism

.....

No sooner was the Treaty signed, however, than exactly the opposite prognosis took shape, as German interest rates at levels not seen since the twenties inflicted a deep recession on neighbouring countries, and German diplomatic initiatives in the Balkans—once again, as in the early years of the century, shadowing Austrian manoeuvres—stirred uneasy memories. Conor Cruise O’Brien has expressed the alternative view most trenchantly. Commenting on the Yugoslav crisis, in which Bonn claimed to be moved only by the principle of national self-determination—not so applicable, of course, to lesser breeds: Chechens, Kurds or Macedonians—he wrote:

Germany was in favour of the recognition of [Croatia and Slovenia]. The rest of the Community was against, and the United States strongly so. Faced with such an apparently powerful ‘Western consensus’, on any such matter, the old pre-1990 Bundesrepublik would have respectfully backed away. The new united Germany simply ignored the United States, and turned the Community around. Germany recognized the independence of Croatia and Slovenia, and the rest of the Community followed suit within a few days. The reversal of the Community position was particularly humbling for the French . . . The two new republics are now part of a vast German sphere of influence to the east . . . German economic hegemony in Europe is now a fact of life, to which the rest of us Europeans must adjust as best we can. To press ahead with federal union, under these conditions, would not ‘rein in’ the mighty power of united Germany. It would subject the rest of us to German hegemony in its plenitude.36

.....

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