Durkheim and After
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Оглавление
Philip Smith. Durkheim and After
Contents
List of Illustrations
Guide
Pages
Durkheim and After. The Durkheimian Tradition, 1893–2020
Preface and Acknowledgments
Chapter 1 Durkheim’s Life and the Four Major Books
About this Chapter, About this Book
Early Life
The Division of Labor in Society
The Rules of Sociological Method
Suicide
Toward the Elementary Forms
The Elementary Forms
Chapter 2 Durkheim’s Other Works and the Contributions of His Students
Durkheim’s Remaining Ideas and Works
Contributions from the Année sociologique Group
Chapter 3 Durkheimian Thought, 1917–1950
France
British Structural Functionalism
The United States
Chapter 4 Through the Cultural Turn, 1950–1985
Parsons and Systems Theory
Lévi-Strauss and Structuralism
British Anthropology and Mary Douglas
The United States: Empirical Studies in the Structural Functionalist Idiom
Chapter 5 Into the Twenty-First Century: Durkheim Revived, 1985–2020
Jeffrey Alexander and the Strong Program
Randall Collins and Interaction Ritual
Other Durkheimian Work in Sociology in the United States
Other Durkheimian Fields
References
Index
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
N
O
P
R
S
T
U
V
W
Z
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Philip Smith
We move fast and I offer basic cultural literacy in a relatively short text. I hope that in around two hundred pages this book gives readers a sense of the terrain. About one-third of the material is on Durkheim himself. It covers his main contributions and his life. This is what I hope will be a time-efficient but somewhat detailed introduction. I have tried to be uncontroversial, and also comprehensive by sweeping up his less well-known thoughts. The remaining two-thirds look to the legacy and its relationship to his original ideas. We investigate the work of the students Durkheim inspired directly, and also the rise of structural functionalism, structuralism, systems theory, normative functionalism, and cultural sociology and anthropology. Material is organized with reference to such traditions and also in terms of nations. This does not reflect the sin of “methodological nationalism” but rather the empirical reality that creative intellectual activity has tended to cluster in specific paradigms in specific national contexts in specific epochs. As one door closes another opens, often in another country.
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Our concern with all these diverse traditions of Durkheimian work is not whether scholars at one time or another read Durkheim accurately or “got him right” or “really understood him.” It is with how they interpreted his legacy, picked up certain ideas and ran with them, played with them, expanded them, perhaps improved upon them. To be clear: this is not a book of Durkheim scholarship that attempts to provide a brilliant new, or more precise, or more sensitive reading of Durkheim, or of anyone else. Nor is it a report about scholarship on Durkheim that provides an encyclopedic history of reception (although there is some of this here). It is rather a text about the more significant uses of Durkheim and his tradition for creative social explanation and theory building. The attempt made here is to offer an introduction and overview of a vibrant and significant paradigm as it shaped social thought and empirical work, attracted talented thinkers and researchers, and gave birth to new ideas, theories, and visions of the social world. Other books on the Durkheimian legacy are possible, perhaps looking more to his normative reception, or to the detailed history of Durkheim interpretation, or to his impact on social philosophy. Those are tasks that are left for another author with another skill set. And I hope someone picks them up.
Finally I disclose that I cite myself in this text more than a little. I trained initially in social anthropology in the UK as an undergraduate, and later in sociology in the USA for the doctorate. I currently work in the United States and I am a visible member of the Strong Program that is described in the final chapter. This information may assist interpretation of the narrative that is provided as well as account for the scope of this work in terms of inclusions and omissions. I admit to being somewhat uncomfortable that American cultural sociology emerges as a kind of savior toward the end of the book. My intention has been to provide a truthful account and not a Whig history. I am calling it the way I see it.
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