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Richard T. Ely. French and German Socialism in Modern Times
French and German Socialism in Modern Times
Table of Contents
CHAPTER I. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND THE LABORING CLASSES
CHAPTER II. BABŒUF
CHAPTER III. CABET
CHAPTER IV. SAINT-SIMON
CHAPTER V. FOURIER
CHAPTER VI. LOUIS BLANC
CHAPTER VII. PROUDHON
CHAPTER VIII. SOCIALISM IN FRANCE SINCE PROUDHON
CHAPTER IX. RODBERTUS
CHAPTER X. KARL MARX
CHAPTER XI. THE INTERNATIONAL WORKINGMEN’S ASSOCIATION
CHAPTER XII. FERDINAND LASSALLE
CHAPTER XIII. THE IDEA OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
CHAPTER XIV. SOCIAL DEMOCRACY SINCE THE DEATH OF LASSALLE
CHAPTER XV. SOCIALISM OF THE CHAIR
CHAPTER XVI. CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM
FOOTNOTES
INDEX
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Richard T. Ely
Published by Good Press, 2019
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It behooves us to disabuse our minds of all prejudice and ill-will. It is only thus that we shall be able to meet and overcome the social dangers which threaten even our own country in a not very distant future. We have never had a permanent laboring class, but with the increase of population one is rapidly developing. If it is now becoming extremely difficult for the laborer to rise, what will the condition of things be when we number two hundred millions? And that time is not so far off. At our present rate of increase, it will come when some of us are still living. It is a laboring class without hope of improvement for themselves or their children which will first test our institutions. But he must be singularly blind or unacquainted with the views of the various social classes who is unable to detect even now, in certain quarters, the formation of habits and modes of thought characteristic of the poorer classes in Europe. The fact of this growth was twice brought home to me forcibly two winters ago. As I was walking by the Union League Club-house, in New York city, at the time of its house-warming, while the people were driving up in their fine carriages, one poor fellow stood on the opposite side of the street watching the ladies enter in their luxurious and extravagant toilets. He was a good-looking, intelligent-appearing man, but wore no overcoat. It was a cold evening, and he seemed to me to be shivering. He was evidently thinking of the difference between his lot and that of the fashionable people he was observing; and I heard him mutter bitterly to himself, “A revolution will yet come and level that fine building to the ground.” A friend of mine, about the same time, passed a couple of laborers as he was walking by Mr. Vanderbilt’s new houses on Fifth Avenue. Some kind of bronze work, I believe, was being carried in, and he heard one of them remark, savagely, “The time will come when that will be melted by fire.”
More significant and more ominous still is the reception accorded in this country to a man like John Most, who has been expelled from the social-democratic party in Germany on account of his extreme views, particularly respecting assassination as a means of progress. He has been travelling about the United States, has been warmly received, and listened to with favor by large bodies of workmen while uttering counsels of war and bloodshed. On the 11th of February, 1883, he lectured in Baltimore. It was a cold, rainy, cheerless day, and the sidewalks were so covered with melting snow as to make it extremely unpleasant to venture out of doors. But Most had a full hall of eager listeners. He told the laborers that he had little hope of their overthrowing their oppressors by the use of the ballot. He believed their emancipation would be brought about by violence, as all great reforms in the past had been. He consequently advised them to buy muskets. He said a musket was a good thing to have. If it was not needed now, it could be placed in the corner, and it occupied but little space. The presiding officer, in closing the meeting, emphasized this part of Most’s address particularly. He told the laborers that a piece of paper would never make them free, that a musket was worth a hundred votes, and closed with the lines—
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