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Fruits of the Cross
The publisher and the University of California Press Foundation gratefully acknowledge the generous support of the Constance and William Withey Endowment Fund in History and Music.
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In Canti 28 and 29, Cambi’s account came to the Deposition and to the Tomb, having already introduced Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus together with two laments of Mary and the Magdalen on Calvary in Canto 27 (these roughly correspond to chapters 80 and 81 in the Meditationes: first the Entombment, Lamentation at the Tomb, and the disciples’ return to Jerusalem, followed by the song of the patriarchs during Christ’s Harrowing of Hell).53 After praising the Gospel figures, Cambi’s meditations then turned lithic: “Could I only be entombed with my Jesus in that holy and blessed Sepulcher, never to emerge again during my life. O Tomb, o most sacred Tomb, o holy Ark, you were worthy to receive that most valuable joy within you.” Cambi referred to the Hypostatic Union and then, in a move also found in pseudo-Bonaventure but more recently in Giambattista Marino’s Dicerie sacre, took Paul’s metaphor that “the rock was Christ” as a pivot to consider the Tomb’s clefts as the wound in Christ’s side in which the meditative believer was to dwell. The idea of Mary burying herself both in the Tomb and in the “sepolcro” of the Divine Will came up in the Dominican Ignazio del Nente’s meditations Solitudini di sacri e pietosi affetti (Florence, 1643) at the moment of the imagined final closing of the Tomb. As noted later in this study, it would recur strikingly in the repertory of the later 1690s.
Following his medieval sources, Cambi’s imaginative path then retraced the steps of Mary, the Magdalen, Martha, John, Joseph, and Nicodemus back into Jerusalem from the Tomb, portraying the Madonna’s grief in vocabulary taken from Lamentations. According to some traditions, John persuaded Mary to return to the Cenacle where the Last Supper had taken place, inside which Cambi had his characters continue to lament. For the 1689 L’Esclamar a gran voce, Burnacini would fashion a set design of the Supper’s space as imagined after the Passion, and this piece opens with Mary’s grief, surrounded by the Magdalen, Veronica, and John. Minato justified this staging with references not to Cambi but to the authority of Nicephorus Kallistos’s Ecclesiastical History (whose unique manuscript was in the imperial collections) and to the so-called Christus patiens, a cento of ancient Greek dramatic verse reworked during late antiquity into a Passion narration and sometimes attributed to Gregory of Nazianzus.
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