Industrial Democracy
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Sidney Webb. Industrial Democracy
Industrial Democracy
Table of Contents
CHAPTER I PRIMITIVE DEMOCRACY
CHAPTER II REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS
CHAPTER III THE UNIT OF GOVERNMENT
CHAPTER IV INTERUNION RELATIONS
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I THE METHOD OF MUTUAL INSURANCE
CHAPTER II THE METHOD OF COLLECTIVE BARGAINING
CHAPTER III ARBITRATION
CHAPTER IV THE METHOD OF LEGAL ENACTMENT
CHAPTER V THE STANDARD RATE
CHAPTER VI THE NORMAL DAY
CHAPTER VII SANITATION AND SAFETY
CHAPTER VIII NEW PROCESSES AND MACHINERY
CHAPTER IX CONTINUITY OF EMPLOYMENT
CHAPTER X THE ENTRANCE TO A TRADE
CHAPTER XI THE RIGHT TO A TRADE
CHAPTER XII THE IMPLICATIONS OF TRADE UNIONISM
CHAPTER XIII THE ASSUMPTIONS OF TRADE UNIONISM
CHAPTER I THE VERDICT OF THE ECONOMISTS
CHAPTER II THE HIGGLING OF THE MARKET
CHAPTER III THE ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF TRADE UNIONISM
(a) The Device of Restriction of Numbers
(b) The Device of the Common Rule
(c) The effect of the sectional application of the Common Rule on the distribution of industry
(d) Parasitic Trades
(e) The National Minimum
(f) The Unemployable
(g) Summary of the Economic Characteristics of the Device of the Common Rule
(h) Trade Union Methods
CHAPTER IV TRADE UNIONISM AND DEMOCRACY
Отрывок из книги
Sidney Webb, Martha Beatrice Webb
Published by Good Press, 2020
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Primitive Democracy 31
short term of service of its members and the practical rota- tion of office make it impossible for the constantly shifting executive committee to exercise any effective influence over even the ordinary routine business of so large a society. The complicated negotiations involved in national agreements are absolutely beyond its grasp. What actually happens is that, in any high issue of policy, Mr. Knight summons his district delegates to meet him in council at London or Manchester, to concert, and even to conduct, with him the weighty negotiations which the Newcastle executive formally endorses. And although the actual administration of the benefits is conducted by the branch committees, the absolute centralisa- tion of funds and the supreme disciplinary power vested in the executive committee make that committee, or rather the general secretary, as dominant in matters of finance as in trade policy. The only real opportunity for an effective' expression of the popular will comes to be the submission oT" questions to the aggregate vote of the branches in mass meeting assembled. It is needless to point out that a ' Referendum of this kind, submitted through the official circular in whatsoever terms the general secretary may choose, and backed by the influence of the permanent staff in every district, comes to be only a way of impressing the official view on the whole body of members. In effect^ the general secretary and his informal cabinet were, until the change of 1895, abs^ut elv supreme .^ ._
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