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Sir Valentine Chirol. Indian Unrest
Indian Unrest
Table of Contents
CHAPTER PAGE. INTRODUCTION. BY SIR ALFRED C. LYALL VII. I. A GENERAL SURVEY 1. II. SWARAJ ON THE PLATFORM AND IN THE PRESS 8. III. A HINDU REVIVAL 24. IV. BRAHMANISM AND DISAFFECTION IN THE DECCAN 37. V. POONA AND KOLHAPUR 64. VI. BENGAL BEFORE THE PARTITION 72. VII. THE STORM IN BENGAL 81. VIII. THE PUNJAB AND THE ARYA SAMAJ 106. IX. THE POSITION OF THE MAHOMEDANS 118. X. SOUTHERN INDIA 136. XI. REVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATIONS OUTSIDE INDIA 145. XII. THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 154. XIII. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS 162. XIV. THE DEPRESSED CASTES 176. XV. THE NATIVE STATES 185. XVI. CROSS CURRENTS 198. XVII. THE GROWTH OF WESTERN EDUCATION 207. XVIII. THE INDIAN STUDENT 216. XIX. SOME MEASURES OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM 229. XX. THE QUESTION OF RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 238. XXI. PRIMARY EDUCATION 246. XXII. SWADESHI AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 254. XXIII. THE FINANCIAL AND FISCAL RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA AND GREAT BRITAIN 271. XXIV. THE POSITION OF INDIANS IN THE EMPIRE 280. XXV. SOCIAL AND OFFICIAL RELATIONS 288. XXVI. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA 306. XXVII. CONCLUSIONS 319. NOTES 335. INDEX 361
INTRODUCTION
BY SIR ALFRED C. LYALL
A.C. LYALL. CHAPTER I
A GENERAL SURVEY
CHAPTER II
SWARAJ ON THE PLATFORM AND IN THE PRESS
CHAPTER III
A HINDU REVIVAL
CHAPTER IV
BRAHMANISM AND DISAFFECTION IN THE DECCAN
CHAPTER V
POONA AND KOLHAPUR
CHAPTER VI
BENGAL BEFORE THE PARTITION
CHAPTER VII
THE STORM IN BENGAL
CHAPTER VIII
THE PUNJAB AND THE ARYA SAMAJ
CHAPTER IX
THE POSITION OF THE MAHOMEDANS
CHAPTER X
SOUTHERN INDIA
CHAPTER XI
REVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATIONS OUTSIDE INDIA
CHAPTER XII
THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS
CHAPTER XIII
CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS
CHAPTER XIV
THE DEPRESSED CASTES
CHAPTER XV
THE NATIVE STATES
CHAPTER XVI
CROSS CURRENTS
CHAPTER XVII
THE GROWTH OF WESTERN EDUCATION
CHAPTER XVIII
THE INDIAN STUDENT
CHAPTER XIX
SOME MEASURES OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM
CHAPTER XX
THE QUESTION OF RELIGIOUS EDUCATION
CHAPTER XXI
PRIMARY EDUCATION
CHAPTER XXII
SWADESHI AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS
CHAPTER XXIII
THE FINANCIAL AND FISCAL RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA AND GREAT BRITAIN
CHAPTER XXIV
THE POSITION OF INDIANS IN THE EMPIRE
CHAPTER XXV
SOCIAL AND OFFICIAL RELATIONS
CHAPTER XXVI
THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
CHAPTER XXVII
CONCLUSIONS
NOTES
NOTE 1. THE NATIVE PRESS
NOTE 2
NOTE 3. SEDITIOUS PLAYS
ITS ALLEGORICAL MEANING
NOTE 4. SHIVAJI'S EXHORTATIONS
NOTE 5. TILAK IN THE CIVIL COURTS
NOTE 6. KHUDIRAM BOSE'S CONFESSION
NOTE 7. RELIGION AND POLITICS
NOTE 9. BENGALEE LAWLESSNESS
"MANY-HEADED MISCHIEF."
YOUTHS AND POLITICS
THE OUTLOOK
NOTE 10. SACRIFICING "WHITE GOATS"
NOTE 11. HINDUS AND MAHOMEDANS IN GOVERNMENT SERVICE
SUB-DEPUTY JUDGES AND MUNSIFFS
EDUCATIONAL DEPARTMENT
NOTE 12. INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS SUBSIDIES TO ITS SUPPORTERS IN ENGLAND
MADRAS, 1898
AHMEDABAD, 1902
MADRAS, 1903
BOMBAY, 1904
NOTE 13. AN ENGLISH SOCIALIST "MANIFESTO."
NOTE 14. INDIAN STUDENTS IN ENGLAND
NOTE 15. THE VICEROY'S EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
NOTE 16
NOTE 17. THE WASTAGE IN INDIAN UNIVERSITIES
NOTE 18
ENGLISH HISTORY IN INDIAN SCHOOLS
NOTE 19. A SHAMELESS APPEAL
THE BRAHMANS AND WESTERN EDUCATION
NOTE 21. FEMALE EDUCATION
NOTE 22. THE THEORY OF THE "DRAIN."
NOTE 23. THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND THE VICEROY
NOTE 24. THE DIFFICULTIES OF LOYAL HINDUS
NOTE 25. HINDU THEORIES OF GOVERNMENT
INDEX
DACCA COLLEGE, 231
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Sir Valentine Chirol
Published by Good Press, 2019
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Is really self-government within the Empire a practicable ideal? What would it mean? It would mean either no real self-government for us or no real overlordship for England. Would we be satisfied with the shadow of self-government? If not, would England be satisfied with the shadow of overlordship? In either case England would not be satisfied with a shadowy overlordship, and we refuse to be satisfied with a shadowy self-government. And therefore no compromise is possible under such conditions between self-government in India and the overlordship of England. If self-government is conceded to us, what would be England's position not only in India, but in the British Empire itself? Self-government means the right of self-taxation; it means the right of financial control; it means the right of the people to impose protective and prohibitive tariffs on foreign imports. The moment we have the right of self-taxation, what shall we do? We shall not try to be engaged in this uphill work of industrial boycott. But we shall do what every nation has done. Under the circumstances in which we live now, we shall impose a heavy prohibitive protective tariff upon every inch of textile fabric from Manchester, upon every blade of knife that comes from Leeds. We shall refuse to grant admittance to a British soul into our territory. We would not allow British capital to be engaged in the development of Indian resources, as it is now engaged. We would not grant any right to British capitalists to dig up the mineral wealth of the land and carry it to their own isles. We shall want foreign capital. But we shall apply for foreign loans in the open market of the whole world, guaranteeing the credit of the Indian Government, the Indian nation, for the repayment of the loan, just as America has done and is doing, just as Russia is doing now, just as Japan has been doing of late. And England's commercial interests would not be furthered in the way these are being furthered now, under the conditions of popular self-government, though it might be within the Empire. But what would it mean within the Empire? It would mean that England would have to enter into some arrangement with us for some preferential tariff. England would have to come to our markets on the conditions that we would impose upon her for the purpose, if she wanted an open door in India, and after a while, when we have developed our resources a little and organized our industrial life, we would want the open door not only to England, but to every part of the British Empire. And do you think it is possible for a small country like England with a handful of population, although she might be enormously wealthy, to compete on fair and equitable terms with a mighty continent like India, with immense natural resources, with her teeming populations, the soberest and most abstemious populations known to any part of the world?
If we have really self-government within the Empire, if we have the rights of freedom of the Empire as Australia has, as Canada has, as England has to-day, if we, 300 millions of people, have that freedom of the Empire, the Empire would cease to be British. It would be the Indian Empire, and the alliance between England and India would be absolutely an unequal alliance. That would be, if we had really self-government within the Empire, exactly the relation as co-partners in a co-British or anti-British Empire of the future; and if the day comes when England will be reduced to the alternative of having us as an absolutely independent people or a co-partner with her in the Empire, she would prefer to have us, like the Japanese, as an ally and no longer a co-partner, because we are bound to be the predominant partner in this Imperial firm. Therefore no sane Englishman, politician or publicist can ever contemplate seriously the possibility of a self-governing India, like the self-governing colonies, forming a vital and organic part of the British Empire. Therefore it is that Lord Morley says that so long as India remains under the control of Great Britain the government of India must continue to be a personal and absolute one. Therefore it seems to me that this ideal, the practically attainable ideal of self-government within the Empire, when we analyse it with care, when we study it in the light of common human psychology, when we study it in the light of our past experience of the racial characteristics of the British people, when we study it in the light of past British history in India and other parts of the world, when we study and analyse this ideal of self-government within the Empire, we find it is a far more impracticable thing to attain than even our ideal Swaraj.
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