Special Indefinites in Sentence and Discourse

Special Indefinites in Sentence and Discourse
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Das vorliegende Buch untersucht die semantischen und diskurs-pragmatischen Eigenschaften indefiniter Nominalphrasen. Dabei wird der Zusammenhang zwischen den folgenden zwei Faktoren untersucht: (i) der referenziellen Form (markierte indefinite Nominalphrasen vs. unmarkierte indefinite Nominalphrasen), und (ii) dem diskursstrukturierenden Potential. Durch eine sprachvergleichende Studie mit Schwerpunkt auf Englisch, Deutsch und Rumänisch, wird die Analyse der Funktionen unterschiedlicher indefiniten Nominalphrasen empirisch gestützt und weiterentwickelt. Damit wird die Arbeit zu einem besseren Verständnis von Textstruktur, den kognitiven Grundlagen von Textproduktion und Textverständnis, sowie den allgemeinen Prinzipien der Kommunikation zwischen Gesprächsteilnehmern beitragen.

Оглавление

Sofiana Lindemann. Special Indefinites in Sentence and Discourse

Inhalt

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

1 Introduction

1.1 Introducing the phenomena

1.2 Goals of the book and proposed analysis

1.3 Limitations of the investigation

1.4 Outline of the book

2 Past work on reference

2.1 Semantic-pragmatic accounts on (in)definiteness

2.2 Accessibility as activation

2.2.1 The Accessibility Hierarchy

2.3 Accessibility as topicality

2.3.1 Givón’s distance model

2.3.2 Centering Theory

2.3.3 The accessibility of referents

2.3.3.1 Recency

2.3.3.2 Givenness or old information

2.3.3.3 Syntactic prominence bias

2.3.3.4 Semantic prominence bias

2.3.3.5 Implicit causality

2.3.3.6 Intersentential coherence relations

2.4 Accessibility as expectancy

2.4.1 The discourse structuring potential

2.4.2 The discourse analysis method

2.4.2.1 Referential persistence

Overall referential persistence

Referential persistence of indefinite noun phrases

2.4.2.2 Topic shift potential

Overall topic shift potential

2.4.2.3 Type of the first anaphoric expression

2.5 Summary

3 English indefinite this

3.1 Forms and uses of demonstratives

3.1.1 Definite uses of demonstrative this

3.1.2 The indefinite use of demonstrative this

3.2 Properties of indefinite this

3.2.1 Referential properties of indefinitethis

3.2.2 Discourse-pragmatic properties of indefinite this

3.3 The discourse effects of indefinite this

Prediction 1 (referential immediacy and referential persistence)

Prediction 2 (topic-shift potential)

Prediction 3 (referential type of the first anaphoric expression)

3.3.1 The experimental setup. Participants

Design and procedure

Materials

3.3.2 Procedure and data analysis

3.3.3 Results and discussions

Referential persistence

Topic shift potential

Type of the first anaphoric expression

3.4 Demonstratives and focus of attention

3.5 Summary

4 German indefinite so’n

4.1 Demonstrative uses of so’n

4.1.1 Deictic and anaphoric uses of so

4.1.2 Out-of-the-blue uses of so’n

4.1.3 So’n as a marker of referential structure

4.1.4 Summary

4.2 Referential properties of indefinite so’n

4.2.1 Different types of readings of indefinite so’n

4.2.2 Referential readings of indefinite so’n

Materials and Procedure

Predictions

4.2.2.1 Results and discussion

4.2.3 Summary

4.3 Discourse properties of indefiniteso’n

4.3.1 Indefinite so’n and immediacy of reference

4.3.2 The DSP of indefinite so’n

Prediction 1 (referential immediacy and referential persistence)

Prediction 2 (topic shift potential)

Prediction 3 (referential type of the first anaphoric expression)

4.3.2.1 The experimental setup. Participants

Design and Procedure

Materials

4.3.2.2 Procedure and data analysis

4.3.2.3 Results and discussions

Referential persistence

Topic shift potential

Type of the first anaphoric expression

4.4 Summary

5 Pe-marking of indefinite noun phrases in Romanian

5.1 Criteria for differential object marking in Romanian

5.2 The distribution of pe-marking with definite expressions

5.2.1 DOM with definite modified noun phrases

5.2.2 DOM with definite unmodified noun phrases

5.2.2.1 Hard constraints

5.2.2.2 Soft constraints

5.2.2.3 Neutral contexts

5.3 Pe-marking with indefinite noun phrases

5.3.1 Specificity

5.3.2 Topicality and pe-marking with indefinite NPs

5.3.3 Summary

5.4 The DSP of pe-marking in Romanian

5.4.1 Experimental investigation on pe-marking

Prediction 2 (topic-shift potential)

Prediction 3 (referential type of the first anaphoric expression)

5.4.1.1 The experimental setup. Method

Participants

Design and Procedure

Materials

5.4.1.2 Procedure and data analysis

5.4.1.3 Results and discussion

Number of anaphoric references – referential persistence

Topic shift

Type of anaphoric referring expression

5.5 Summary

6 Referential properties and discourse structuring

6.1 Referential properties

6.2 The discourse structuring potential

6.3 Referential properties and discourse structuring

6.3.1 Grammaticalization of the indefinite article

6.3.2 DOM in Romanian as an indicator of DSP

6.3.3 The proximal demonstrative and DSP

6.4 Summary

7 Conclusion

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Fußnoten. 2.1 Semantic-pragmatic accounts on (in)definiteness

2.3.2 Centering Theory

3 English indefinite this

3.1.1 Definite uses of demonstrative this

3.2.1 Referential properties of indefinite this

3.2.2 Discourse-pragmatic properties of indefinite this

3.3.1 The experimental setup

3.3.3 Results and discussions

4 German indefinite so’n

4.1 Demonstrative uses of so’n

4.1.2 Out-of-the-blue uses of so’n

4.2.1 Different types of readings of indefinite so’n

4.2.2 Referential readings of indefinite so’n

4.3.1 Indefinite so’n and immediacy of reference

5.1 Criteria for differential object marking in Romanian

5.2.1 DOM with definite modified noun phrases

5.2.2 DOM with definite unmodified noun phrases

5.2.2.3 Neutral contexts

5.3.1 Specificity

6.3 Referential properties and discourse structuring

6.3.3 The proximal demonstrative and DSP

Отрывок из книги

Sofiana Lindemann

Special indefinites in sentence and discourse

.....

It thus seems that some referents are more prone to be mentioned with reduced types of referring expressions than others and that givenness cannot be the only factor that modulates this choice. Furthermore, consider a context in which my addressee knows that I have a dog and that this dog suffers of cirrhosis of the liver. It seems very natural for my interlocutor to ask a sentence like the one illustrated in (13) the moment we meet, as a conversation starter, even if we did not mention the dog during the present conversation.

On the basis of shared knowledge or common ground (Stalnaker 1974) between discourse participants, the hearer of sentence (13) is able to identify the intended referent associated to the pronoun he. Shorter types of referring expressions depend not only on explicitly introduced referents, but are sensitive to other types of knowledge (i.e. world knowledge, situational knowledge, discourse knowledge, among others) as well.

.....

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