When Culture Becomes Politics

When Culture Becomes Politics
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Taking the problem of European identity as his point of departure Thomas Pedersen's book offers a new theoretical perspective upon culture, identity and nationality. His main argument is that politics are more culturalized than we assume, and that culture is more personalized than we recognize. Nationality is becoming more personalized and hybrid and is acquiring an aesthetic dimension as a side-effect of the democratization of art. Citizens in the Western world and beyond are becoming symbol producers and culture producers, and far from simply taking their cue from custom, contemporary citizens therefore increasingly take an active part in the creation of national and supranational identities. This insight leads the author to develop a new individual understanding of politics summarized in the concept of integrism and to advocate a politics of liberal culturalism and integrist cosmopolitanism as an alternative to both post-modernism and Samuel Huntington's holistic, religious culturalism.

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Thomas Pedersen. When Culture Becomes Politics

PREFACE

1. INTRODUCTION

2. INTEGRISM: CULTURE IS CHOICE

3. DO EUROPEANS REGARD THEMSELVES AS EUROPEAN?

4. CULTURE, IDENTITY AND NATION

5. THE IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE

6. SOURCES OF NATIONAL IDENTITY

7. SOURCES OF TRANSNATIONAL IDENTITY

8. A BRIEF, COMPARATIVE REFLECTION

9. EUROPE AS A CULTURAL COMMUNITY

10. WHAT IS UNIQUE ABOUT EUROPE

11. “OLD” EUROPE AND “NEW” EUROPE

12. ORIENTALIZATION? THE CHALLENGE FROM CHINA, JAPAN AND THE ISLAMIC WORLD

13. EUROPE’S INTERNATIONAL IDENTITY

14. PROTECTING EUROPE’S UNIQUENESS

15. THE LIMITS OF SYMBOLIC IDENTITY

16. VALUE IDENTITY: VARIATIONS ON THE THEME OF DEMOCRACY

17. CITIZENSHIP AND CONSTITUTIONAL IDENTITY

18. PERFORMANCE IDENTITY: EUROPE AS A WORKING COMMUNITY?

19. COSMOPOLITANISM AND INTER-CIVILIZATIONAL DIALOGUE

20. CONCLUSIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Thomas Pedersen

WHEN CULTURE BECOMES POLITICS

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In a sense, testing the existence or not of a common identity within the EU political elite is a “critical test”. After all, if one is to take seriously the goal of a European federation and a common European identity, then at least the governing elite in Europe must display such an identity. This makes the EU constitutional convention an interesting case.38 The major part of the study will however, in keeping with my epistemological assumptions, draw upon qualitative sources including speeches by politicians, contributions by European intellectuals and classics within European philosophy and literature.

The structure of the book is as follows:

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