The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9)

The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9)
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Томас Джефферсон. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9)

PART II.—Continued. LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE. 1784-1790

TO JAMES MADISON

TO THOMAS PAINE

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS

TO DOCTOR WILLARD

TO J. SARSFIELD

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL

TO MR. LITTLEPAGE

TO JOHN JAY

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON

[Extract of the letter from Thomas Paine, referred to in the preceding, to General Washington.]

TO JAMES MADISON

TO THE HONORABLE MR. JAY

TO MONSIEUR DE PONTIÈRE

TO MR. VAUGHAN

TO THOMAS PAINE

TO DOCTOR PRICE

TO MONSIEUR DE CREVECOEUR

TO MONSIEUR DE LA FAYETTE

TO MONSIEUR DE ST. ETIENNE

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE

TO JOHN JAY

TO JAMES MADISON

TO JOHN JAY

TO JOHN JAY

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE

TO MR. NECKAR

TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE

TO THOMAS PAINE

TO MR. MASON

TO JOHN JAY

TO M. L'ABBÉ ARNOLD

TO MR. MADISON

TO JOHN JAY

TO JOHN JAY

TO MR. CARMICHAEL

TO JOHN JAY

TO JAMES MADISON

TO JAMES MADISON

TO DR. GEM

TO E. RUTLEDGE

TO JOHN JAY

TO MR. NECKAR

TO JOHN JAY

PART III. LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH. 1789-1826

TO THE PRESIDENT

TO THE REV. CHARLES CLAY

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO JOHN JAY, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES

TO WM. HUNTER, ESQ., MAYOR OF ALEXANDRIA

TO M. RANDOLPH

TO GEORGE JOY

TO DOCTOR WILLARD

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE

MADAME DE CORNY

MADAME LA COMTESSE D'HOUDETOT

TO MADAME LA DUCHESSE D'AUVILLE

TO THE DUKE DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULT

TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL

TO MR. GRAND

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA LUZERNE

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO MR. RANDOLPH

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO COLONEL GEORGE MASON

TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE

TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE

TO JAMES MONROE

TO MR. JOHN COFFIN JONES

TO MR. DUMAS

TO MR. LESLIE

TO BENJ. VAUGHAN

TO DR. GILMER

TO M. BOUDINOT

TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO COL. M. LEWIS

TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ

TO MR. DUMAS

TO DR. GILMER

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL

TO M. DE PINTO

TO JOSHUA JOHNSON

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO COLONEL DAVID HUMPHREYS

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO THE ATTORNIES OF THE UNITED STATES FOR THE SEVERAL DISTRICTS, THOSE OF MAINE AND KENTUCKY EXCEPTED

TO MR. RANDOLPH

TO GOVERNOR HANCOCK

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR

TO M. LA FOREST, Consul of France

TO MR. BONDFIELD

TO MR. VIAR

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO FREDERICK KINLOCH, ESQ

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO COUNT DE MOUSTIER

TO MR. NOAH WEBSTER, AT HARTFORD

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO JOSHUA JOHNSON

TO JOSHUA JOHNSON

TO A. HAMILTON

TO MR. SHORT

TO COLONEL MASON

TO CHARLES HELLSTEDT, SWEDISH CONSUL

TO MR. HAZARD

TO –.3

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR HANCOCK

TO M. DE PINTO

TO MR. PHILIP FRENEAU

TO THE COUNT DE MOUSTIER

TO MR. INNES

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE

TO GOVERNOR QUESADA

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

TO MAJOR L'ENFANT

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO COLONEL INNES

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO DR. WISTAR

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR MARTIN

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO MR. LEWIS

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO MAJOR L'ENFANT

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL

TO C. CARROLL OF CARROLLTON

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO THE ATTORNEY OF THE DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO THE HONORABLE JEREMIAH WADSWORTH

TO MR. DUMAS

THOMAS BARCLAY

TO –.4

TO COLONEL MONROE

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS

TO JOHN ADAMS

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO MR. PAINE

TO THE PRESIDENT

TO GENERAL KNOX

TO COLONEL HARVIE

TO MR. CARMICHAEL

TO SIR JOHN SINCLAIR

TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ

TO MESSRS. JOHNSON, STUART, AND CARROL

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO M. LA MOTTE

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO BENJ. BANNEKER

TO JOHN ADAMS

TO ADMIRAL PAUL JONES

TO MONSIEUR DE TERNANT, Minister Plenipotentiary of France

TO T. NEWTON

TO MR. HAMMOND

TO J. MADISON

TO THE PRESIDENT

TO MAJOR THOMAS PINCKNEY

TO THE PRESIDENT

TO MESSRS. JOHNSON, STEWART AND CARROL

TO MR. ELLICOTT

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO MR. HUMPHREYS

TO DANIEL SMITH, ESQ

TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL

TO MR. MCALISTER

TO MR. STUART

TO THE PRESIDENT

TO THE PRESIDENT

TO MR. SHORT

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY

TO WILLIAM SHORT

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO MONSIEUR DE MONTMORIN

TO DON JOSEPH JAUDENES, AND DON JOSEPH VIAR

TO MR. SHORT

TO COLONEL HAMILTON

TO MR. HAMMOND

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO MR. HAMMOND

TO MESSRS. JOHNSON, CARROL, AND STEWART

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT

TO WILLIAM SHORT, ESQ

TO MR. SHORT

TO MESSRS. DE VIAR AND DE JAUDENES

TO COLONEL PICKERING

TO MR. HAMMOND

TO GOVERNOR PINCKNEY

TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF WASHINGTON

TO COLONEL N. LEWIS

TO THE PRESIDENT

TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO MESSRS. DE VIAR AND DE JAUDENES

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

MR. JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE OF THE UNITED STATES, TO MR. HAMMOND

CIRCULAR TO THE AMERICAN CONSULS

TO JOHN PAUL JONES

TO MR. MADISON

TO THOMAS BARCLAY, ESQUIRE

TO MR. PINCKNEY

TO THOMAS PINCKNEY

TO MR PINCKNEY

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO M. DE LA FAYETTE

TO MR. BARLOW

TO PETER CARR

TO MR. VAN BERCKEL

TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA

TO MESSRS. DE VIAR AND JAUDENES

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR LEE

TO MR. PALESKE

TO THE MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF FRANCE

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO ARCHIBALD STUART, ESQ

TO MR. CLAY

TO EDWARD RANDOLPH, ESQ

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO C. C. PINCKNEY, ESQ

TO MR. PINCKNEY

TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT

TO G. MORRIS, ESQ

TO M. DE TERNANT

TO MESSRS. VIAR AND JAUDENES, Commissioners of Spain

TO THE PRESIDENT

TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO THE MAYOR, MUNICIPAL OFFICERS AND PROCUREUR OF THE COMMUNITY OF MARSEILLES

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS

TO T. M. RANDOLPH, JR

TO M. DE TERNANT

TO MR. PINCKNEY

TO DR. GILMER

TO MR. MERCER

TO MR. RUTHERFORD

TO MR. PINCKNEY

TO MR. SHORT

TO MR. RANDOLPH

TO MR. GALLATIN

TO MRS. RANDOLPH

TO DR. STEWART, OR TO ALL THE GENTLEMEN

TO MR. CARROLL

Circular to the ministers of France, the United Netherlands, Great Britain, &c

TO MR. HAMMOND

TO M. DE TERNANT

TO M. DE TERNANT

TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

TO THE MINISTER OF FRANCE

TO J. MADISON

TO MAJOR GENERAL GATES

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO MR. PINCKNEY

TO –22

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS

TO SAMUEL SHAW, CONSUL AT CANTON, IN CHINA

TO COLONEL DAVID

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS

TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT.23

TO MR. DUMAS

TO COLONEL HAMILTON

TO J. MADISON

TO MR. HAMMOND

TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE

TO MR. PINCKNEY

TO MR. VAN BERCKEL

CIRCULAR TO MESSRS. MORRIS, PINCKNEY AND SHORT

TO M. DE TERNANT

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

TO M. DE TERNANT

TO COLONEL MONROE

TO MR. PINCKNEY

TO E. RANDOLPH

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

TO J. MADISON

TO MR. HAMMOND

TO M. DE TERNANT.25

TO J. MADISON

TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA

TO MR. VAN BERCKEL

TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT

TO JAMES MADISON

TO MR. RANDOLPH

MR. GENET, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF FRANCE

TO MR. HAMMOND

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

TO JAMES MADISON

TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS

TO MR. PINCKNEY

TO M. GENET

TO MR. GENET

TO MR. HAMMOND

TO J. MADISON

Отрывок из книги

Dear Sir,—I wrote you last on the 12th of January; since which I have received yours of October the 17th, December the 8th and 12th. That of October the 17th, came to hand only February the 23d. How it happened to be four months on the way, I cannot tell, as I never knew by what hand it came. Looking over my letter of January the 12th, I remark an error of the word "probable" instead of "improbable," which doubtless, however, you had been able to correct.

Your thoughts on the subject of the declaration of rights, in the letter of October the 17th, I have weighed with great satisfaction. Some of them had not occurred to me before, but were acknowledged just in the moment they were presented to my mind. In the arguments in favor of a declaration of rights, you omit one which has great weight with me; the legal check which it puts into the hands of the judiciary. This is a body, which, if rendered independent and kept strictly to their own department, merits great confidence for their learning and integrity. In fact, what degree of confidence would be too much, for a body composed of such men as Wythe, Blair and Pendleton? On characters like these, the "civium ardor prava jubentium" would make no impression. I am happy to find that, on the whole, you are a friend to this amendment. The declaration of rights is, like all other human blessings, alloyed with some inconveniences, and not accomplishing fully its object. But the good in this instance, vastly overweighs the evil. I cannot refrain from making short answers to the objections which your letter states to have been raised. 1. That the rights in question are reserved, by the manner in which the federal powers are granted. Answer. A constitutive act may, certainly, be so formed, as to need no declaration of rights. The act itself has the force of a declaration, as far as it goes; and if it goes to all material points, nothing more is wanting. In the draught of a constitution which I had once a thought of proposing in Virginia, and printed afterwards, I endeavored to reach all the great objects of public liberty, and did not mean to add a declaration of rights. Probably the object was imperfectly executed; but the deficiencies would have been supplied by others, in the course of discussion. But in a constitutive act which leaves some precious articles unnoticed, and raises implications against others, a declaration of rights becomes necessary, by way of supplement. This is the case of our new federal Constitution. This instrument forms us into one State, as to certain objects, and gives us a legislative and executive body for these objects. It should, therefore, guard us against their abuses of power, within the field submitted to them. 2. A positive declaration of some essential rights could not be obtained in the requisite latitude. Answer. Half a loaf is better than no bread. If we cannot secure all our rights, let us secure what we can. 3. The limited powers of the federal government, and jealousy of the subordinate governments, afford a security which exists in no other instance. Answer. The first member of this seems resolvable into the first objection before stated. The jealousy of the subordinate governments is a precious reliance. But observe that those governments are only agents. They must have principles furnished them, whereon to found their opposition. The declaration of rights will be the text, whereby they will try all the acts of the federal government. In this view, it is necessary to the federal government also; as by the same text, they may try the opposition of the subordinate governments. 4. Experience proves the inefficacy of a bill of rights. True. But though it is not absolutely efficacious under all circumstances, it is of great potency always, and rarely inefficacious. A brace the more will often keep up the building which would have fallen, with that brace the less. There is a remarkable difference between the characters of the inconveniences which attend a declaration of rights, and those which attend the want of it. The inconveniences of the declaration are, that it may cramp government in its useful exertions. But the evil of this is short-lived, moderate and reparable. The inconveniences of the want of a declaration are permanent, afflicting and irreparable. They are in constant progression from bad to worse. The executive, in our governments, is not the sole, it is scarcely the principal object of my jealousy. The tyranny of the legislatures is the most formidable dread at present, and will be for many years. That of the executive will come in its turn; but it will be at a remote period. I know there are some among us, who would now establish a monarchy. But they are inconsiderable in number and weight of character. The rising race are all republicans. We were educated in royalism; no wonder, if some of us retain that idolatry still. Our young people are educated in republicanism; an apostasy from that to royalism, is unprecedented and impossible. I am much pleased with the prospect that a declaration of rights will be added; and I hope it will be done in that way, which will not endanger the whole frame of government, or any essential part of it.

.....

I had hoped, Madame la Duchesse, to have again had the pleasure of paying my respects to you in Paris, but the wish of our Government that I should take a share in its administration, has become a law to me. Could I have persuaded myself that public offices were made for private convenience, I should undoubtedly have preferred a continuance in that which placed me nearer to you; but believing, on the contrary, that a good citizen should take his stand where the public authority marshals him, I have acquiesced. Among the circumstances which will reconcile me to my new position, are the opportunities it will give me of cementing the friendship between our two nations. Be assured, that to do this is the first wish of my heart. I have but one system of ethics for men and for nations—to be grateful, to be faithful to all engagements under all circumstances, to be open and generous, promoting in the long run even the interests of both; and I am sure it promotes their happiness. The change in your government will approximate us to one another. You have had some checks, some horrors since I left you; but the way to Heaven, you know, has always been said to be strewed with thorns. Why your nation have had fewer than any other on earth, I do not know, unless it be that it is the best on earth. I assure you, Madam, moreover, that I consider yourself personally as with the foremost of your nation in every virtue. It is not flattery, my heart knows not that; it is a homage to sacred truth, it is a tribute I pay with cordiality to a character in which I saw but one error; it was that of treating me with a degree of favor I did not merit. Be assured I shall always retain a lively sense of your goodness to me, which was a circumstance of principal happiness to me during my stay in Paris. I hope that by this time you have seen that my prognostications of a successful issue to your revolution, have been verified. I feared for you during a short interval; but after the declaration of the army, though there might be episodes of distress, the denouements was out of doubt. Heaven send that the glorious example of your country may be but the beginning of the history of European liberty, and that you may live many years in health and happiness to see at length that Heaven did not make man in its wrath. Accept the homage of those sentiments of sincere and respectful esteem with which I have the honor to be, Madame la Duchesse, your most affectionate and obedient humble servant.

Dear Sir,—A call to take a part in the domestic administration of our Government, obliges me to abandon the expectation of paying my respects to you in person, in Paris. Though removed to a greater distance in future, and deprived of the pleasure and advantages of your conversation and society, which contributed so much to render my residence in Paris agreeable, I shall not be the less anxious for your health and happiness, and for the prosperous issue of the great revolution in which you have taken so zealous and distinguished a part. By this time I hope it is happily concluded, and that the new constitution, after receiving the finishing hand from the National Assembly, is now putting into regular motion by the convocation of a new legislature. I find my countrymen as anxious for your success as they ought to be; and thinking with the National Assembly in all points except that of a single house of legislation. They think their own experience has so decidedly proved the necessity of two Houses to prevent the tyranny of one, that they fear that this single error will shipwreck your new constitution. I am myself persuaded that theory and practice are not at variance in this instance, and that you will find it necessary hereafter to add another branch. But I presume you provide a facility of amending your constitution, and perhaps the necessity may be altogether removed by a council of revision well constituted.

.....

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