The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9)
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Томас Джефферсон. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. 3 (of 9)
PART II.—Continued. LETTERS WRITTEN WHILE IN EUROPE. 1784-1790
TO JAMES MADISON
TO THOMAS PAINE
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS
TO DOCTOR WILLARD
TO J. SARSFIELD
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL
TO MR. LITTLEPAGE
TO JOHN JAY
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON
[Extract of the letter from Thomas Paine, referred to in the preceding, to General Washington.]
TO JAMES MADISON
TO THE HONORABLE MR. JAY
TO MONSIEUR DE PONTIÈRE
TO MR. VAUGHAN
TO THOMAS PAINE
TO DOCTOR PRICE
TO MONSIEUR DE CREVECOEUR
TO MONSIEUR DE LA FAYETTE
TO MONSIEUR DE ST. ETIENNE
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE
TO JOHN JAY
TO JAMES MADISON
TO JOHN JAY
TO JOHN JAY
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE
TO MR. NECKAR
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE
TO THOMAS PAINE
TO MR. MASON
TO JOHN JAY
TO M. L'ABBÉ ARNOLD
TO MR. MADISON
TO JOHN JAY
TO JOHN JAY
TO MR. CARMICHAEL
TO JOHN JAY
TO JAMES MADISON
TO JAMES MADISON
TO DR. GEM
TO E. RUTLEDGE
TO JOHN JAY
TO MR. NECKAR
TO JOHN JAY
PART III. LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH. 1789-1826
TO THE PRESIDENT
TO THE REV. CHARLES CLAY
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO JOHN JAY, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES
TO WM. HUNTER, ESQ., MAYOR OF ALEXANDRIA
TO M. RANDOLPH
TO GEORGE JOY
TO DOCTOR WILLARD
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE
MADAME DE CORNY
MADAME LA COMTESSE D'HOUDETOT
TO MADAME LA DUCHESSE D'AUVILLE
TO THE DUKE DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULT
TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL
TO MR. GRAND
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA LUZERNE
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO MR. RANDOLPH
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO COLONEL GEORGE MASON
TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE
TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE
TO JAMES MONROE
TO MR. JOHN COFFIN JONES
TO MR. DUMAS
TO MR. LESLIE
TO BENJ. VAUGHAN
TO DR. GILMER
TO M. BOUDINOT
TO DAVID RITTENHOUSE
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO COL. M. LEWIS
TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ
TO MR. DUMAS
TO DR. GILMER
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL
TO M. DE PINTO
TO JOSHUA JOHNSON
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO COLONEL DAVID HUMPHREYS
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO THE ATTORNIES OF THE UNITED STATES FOR THE SEVERAL DISTRICTS, THOSE OF MAINE AND KENTUCKY EXCEPTED
TO MR. RANDOLPH
TO GOVERNOR HANCOCK
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR
TO M. LA FOREST, Consul of France
TO MR. BONDFIELD
TO MR. VIAR
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO FREDERICK KINLOCH, ESQ
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO COUNT DE MOUSTIER
TO MR. NOAH WEBSTER, AT HARTFORD
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO JOSHUA JOHNSON
TO JOSHUA JOHNSON
TO A. HAMILTON
TO MR. SHORT
TO COLONEL MASON
TO CHARLES HELLSTEDT, SWEDISH CONSUL
TO MR. HAZARD
TO –.3
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR HANCOCK
TO M. DE PINTO
TO MR. PHILIP FRENEAU
TO THE COUNT DE MOUSTIER
TO MR. INNES
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF FRANCE
TO GOVERNOR QUESADA
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
TO MAJOR L'ENFANT
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO COLONEL INNES
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO DR. WISTAR
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR MARTIN
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO MR. LEWIS
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO MAJOR L'ENFANT
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL
TO C. CARROLL OF CARROLLTON
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO THE ATTORNEY OF THE DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO THE HONORABLE JEREMIAH WADSWORTH
TO MR. DUMAS
THOMAS BARCLAY
TO –.4
TO COLONEL MONROE
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS
TO JOHN ADAMS
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO MR. PAINE
TO THE PRESIDENT
TO GENERAL KNOX
TO COLONEL HARVIE
TO MR. CARMICHAEL
TO SIR JOHN SINCLAIR
TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ
TO MESSRS. JOHNSON, STUART, AND CARROL
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO M. LA MOTTE
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO BENJ. BANNEKER
TO JOHN ADAMS
TO ADMIRAL PAUL JONES
TO MONSIEUR DE TERNANT, Minister Plenipotentiary of France
TO T. NEWTON
TO MR. HAMMOND
TO J. MADISON
TO THE PRESIDENT
TO MAJOR THOMAS PINCKNEY
TO THE PRESIDENT
TO MESSRS. JOHNSON, STEWART AND CARROL
TO MR. ELLICOTT
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO MR. HUMPHREYS
TO DANIEL SMITH, ESQ
TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
TO MR. MCALISTER
TO MR. STUART
TO THE PRESIDENT
TO THE PRESIDENT
TO MR. SHORT
TO THOMAS PINCKNEY
TO WILLIAM SHORT
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO MONSIEUR DE MONTMORIN
TO DON JOSEPH JAUDENES, AND DON JOSEPH VIAR
TO MR. SHORT
TO COLONEL HAMILTON
TO MR. HAMMOND
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO MR. HAMMOND
TO MESSRS. JOHNSON, CARROL, AND STEWART
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT
TO WILLIAM SHORT, ESQ
TO MR. SHORT
TO MESSRS. DE VIAR AND DE JAUDENES
TO COLONEL PICKERING
TO MR. HAMMOND
TO GOVERNOR PINCKNEY
TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF WASHINGTON
TO COLONEL N. LEWIS
TO THE PRESIDENT
TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO MESSRS. DE VIAR AND DE JAUDENES
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
MR. JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE OF THE UNITED STATES, TO MR. HAMMOND
CIRCULAR TO THE AMERICAN CONSULS
TO JOHN PAUL JONES
TO MR. MADISON
TO THOMAS BARCLAY, ESQUIRE
TO MR. PINCKNEY
TO THOMAS PINCKNEY
TO MR PINCKNEY
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO M. DE LA FAYETTE
TO MR. BARLOW
TO PETER CARR
TO MR. VAN BERCKEL
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA
TO MESSRS. DE VIAR AND JAUDENES
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS
TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR LEE
TO MR. PALESKE
TO THE MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF FRANCE
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO ARCHIBALD STUART, ESQ
TO MR. CLAY
TO EDWARD RANDOLPH, ESQ
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO C. C. PINCKNEY, ESQ
TO MR. PINCKNEY
TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT
TO G. MORRIS, ESQ
TO M. DE TERNANT
TO MESSRS. VIAR AND JAUDENES, Commissioners of Spain
TO THE PRESIDENT
TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO THE MAYOR, MUNICIPAL OFFICERS AND PROCUREUR OF THE COMMUNITY OF MARSEILLES
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS
TO T. M. RANDOLPH, JR
TO M. DE TERNANT
TO MR. PINCKNEY
TO DR. GILMER
TO MR. MERCER
TO MR. RUTHERFORD
TO MR. PINCKNEY
TO MR. SHORT
TO MR. RANDOLPH
TO MR. GALLATIN
TO MRS. RANDOLPH
TO DR. STEWART, OR TO ALL THE GENTLEMEN
TO MR. CARROLL
Circular to the ministers of France, the United Netherlands, Great Britain, &c
TO MR. HAMMOND
TO M. DE TERNANT
TO M. DE TERNANT
TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
TO THE MINISTER OF FRANCE
TO J. MADISON
TO MAJOR GENERAL GATES
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO MR. PINCKNEY
TO –22
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS
TO SAMUEL SHAW, CONSUL AT CANTON, IN CHINA
TO COLONEL DAVID
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS
TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT.23
TO MR. DUMAS
TO COLONEL HAMILTON
TO J. MADISON
TO MR. HAMMOND
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE
TO MR. PINCKNEY
TO MR. VAN BERCKEL
CIRCULAR TO MESSRS. MORRIS, PINCKNEY AND SHORT
TO M. DE TERNANT
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
TO M. DE TERNANT
TO COLONEL MONROE
TO MR. PINCKNEY
TO E. RANDOLPH
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY
TO J. MADISON
TO MR. HAMMOND
TO M. DE TERNANT.25
TO J. MADISON
TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA
TO MR. VAN BERCKEL
TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT
TO JAMES MADISON
TO MR. RANDOLPH
MR. GENET, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF FRANCE
TO MR. HAMMOND
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
TO JAMES MADISON
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS
TO MR. PINCKNEY
TO M. GENET
TO MR. GENET
TO MR. HAMMOND
TO J. MADISON
Отрывок из книги
Dear Sir,—I wrote you last on the 12th of January; since which I have received yours of October the 17th, December the 8th and 12th. That of October the 17th, came to hand only February the 23d. How it happened to be four months on the way, I cannot tell, as I never knew by what hand it came. Looking over my letter of January the 12th, I remark an error of the word "probable" instead of "improbable," which doubtless, however, you had been able to correct.
Your thoughts on the subject of the declaration of rights, in the letter of October the 17th, I have weighed with great satisfaction. Some of them had not occurred to me before, but were acknowledged just in the moment they were presented to my mind. In the arguments in favor of a declaration of rights, you omit one which has great weight with me; the legal check which it puts into the hands of the judiciary. This is a body, which, if rendered independent and kept strictly to their own department, merits great confidence for their learning and integrity. In fact, what degree of confidence would be too much, for a body composed of such men as Wythe, Blair and Pendleton? On characters like these, the "civium ardor prava jubentium" would make no impression. I am happy to find that, on the whole, you are a friend to this amendment. The declaration of rights is, like all other human blessings, alloyed with some inconveniences, and not accomplishing fully its object. But the good in this instance, vastly overweighs the evil. I cannot refrain from making short answers to the objections which your letter states to have been raised. 1. That the rights in question are reserved, by the manner in which the federal powers are granted. Answer. A constitutive act may, certainly, be so formed, as to need no declaration of rights. The act itself has the force of a declaration, as far as it goes; and if it goes to all material points, nothing more is wanting. In the draught of a constitution which I had once a thought of proposing in Virginia, and printed afterwards, I endeavored to reach all the great objects of public liberty, and did not mean to add a declaration of rights. Probably the object was imperfectly executed; but the deficiencies would have been supplied by others, in the course of discussion. But in a constitutive act which leaves some precious articles unnoticed, and raises implications against others, a declaration of rights becomes necessary, by way of supplement. This is the case of our new federal Constitution. This instrument forms us into one State, as to certain objects, and gives us a legislative and executive body for these objects. It should, therefore, guard us against their abuses of power, within the field submitted to them. 2. A positive declaration of some essential rights could not be obtained in the requisite latitude. Answer. Half a loaf is better than no bread. If we cannot secure all our rights, let us secure what we can. 3. The limited powers of the federal government, and jealousy of the subordinate governments, afford a security which exists in no other instance. Answer. The first member of this seems resolvable into the first objection before stated. The jealousy of the subordinate governments is a precious reliance. But observe that those governments are only agents. They must have principles furnished them, whereon to found their opposition. The declaration of rights will be the text, whereby they will try all the acts of the federal government. In this view, it is necessary to the federal government also; as by the same text, they may try the opposition of the subordinate governments. 4. Experience proves the inefficacy of a bill of rights. True. But though it is not absolutely efficacious under all circumstances, it is of great potency always, and rarely inefficacious. A brace the more will often keep up the building which would have fallen, with that brace the less. There is a remarkable difference between the characters of the inconveniences which attend a declaration of rights, and those which attend the want of it. The inconveniences of the declaration are, that it may cramp government in its useful exertions. But the evil of this is short-lived, moderate and reparable. The inconveniences of the want of a declaration are permanent, afflicting and irreparable. They are in constant progression from bad to worse. The executive, in our governments, is not the sole, it is scarcely the principal object of my jealousy. The tyranny of the legislatures is the most formidable dread at present, and will be for many years. That of the executive will come in its turn; but it will be at a remote period. I know there are some among us, who would now establish a monarchy. But they are inconsiderable in number and weight of character. The rising race are all republicans. We were educated in royalism; no wonder, if some of us retain that idolatry still. Our young people are educated in republicanism; an apostasy from that to royalism, is unprecedented and impossible. I am much pleased with the prospect that a declaration of rights will be added; and I hope it will be done in that way, which will not endanger the whole frame of government, or any essential part of it.
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I had hoped, Madame la Duchesse, to have again had the pleasure of paying my respects to you in Paris, but the wish of our Government that I should take a share in its administration, has become a law to me. Could I have persuaded myself that public offices were made for private convenience, I should undoubtedly have preferred a continuance in that which placed me nearer to you; but believing, on the contrary, that a good citizen should take his stand where the public authority marshals him, I have acquiesced. Among the circumstances which will reconcile me to my new position, are the opportunities it will give me of cementing the friendship between our two nations. Be assured, that to do this is the first wish of my heart. I have but one system of ethics for men and for nations—to be grateful, to be faithful to all engagements under all circumstances, to be open and generous, promoting in the long run even the interests of both; and I am sure it promotes their happiness. The change in your government will approximate us to one another. You have had some checks, some horrors since I left you; but the way to Heaven, you know, has always been said to be strewed with thorns. Why your nation have had fewer than any other on earth, I do not know, unless it be that it is the best on earth. I assure you, Madam, moreover, that I consider yourself personally as with the foremost of your nation in every virtue. It is not flattery, my heart knows not that; it is a homage to sacred truth, it is a tribute I pay with cordiality to a character in which I saw but one error; it was that of treating me with a degree of favor I did not merit. Be assured I shall always retain a lively sense of your goodness to me, which was a circumstance of principal happiness to me during my stay in Paris. I hope that by this time you have seen that my prognostications of a successful issue to your revolution, have been verified. I feared for you during a short interval; but after the declaration of the army, though there might be episodes of distress, the denouements was out of doubt. Heaven send that the glorious example of your country may be but the beginning of the history of European liberty, and that you may live many years in health and happiness to see at length that Heaven did not make man in its wrath. Accept the homage of those sentiments of sincere and respectful esteem with which I have the honor to be, Madame la Duchesse, your most affectionate and obedient humble servant.
Dear Sir,—A call to take a part in the domestic administration of our Government, obliges me to abandon the expectation of paying my respects to you in person, in Paris. Though removed to a greater distance in future, and deprived of the pleasure and advantages of your conversation and society, which contributed so much to render my residence in Paris agreeable, I shall not be the less anxious for your health and happiness, and for the prosperous issue of the great revolution in which you have taken so zealous and distinguished a part. By this time I hope it is happily concluded, and that the new constitution, after receiving the finishing hand from the National Assembly, is now putting into regular motion by the convocation of a new legislature. I find my countrymen as anxious for your success as they ought to be; and thinking with the National Assembly in all points except that of a single house of legislation. They think their own experience has so decidedly proved the necessity of two Houses to prevent the tyranny of one, that they fear that this single error will shipwreck your new constitution. I am myself persuaded that theory and practice are not at variance in this instance, and that you will find it necessary hereafter to add another branch. But I presume you provide a facility of amending your constitution, and perhaps the necessity may be altogether removed by a council of revision well constituted.
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