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THE FIRST GOVERNESS OF THE NETHERLANDS

Frontispiece

FROM THE WINDOW IN THE CHAPEL OF THE VIRGIN IN THE CHURCH OF BROU (about 1528)

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THE FIRST GOVERNESS OF THE NETHERLANDS MARGARET OF AUSTRIA

BY

ELEANOR E. TREMAYNE

WITH TWENTY ILLUSTRATIONS New York: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

London: METHUEN & CO.

1908

VI CONTENTS

183

Marguerite D'Autriche, 305

List of Pictures from Margaret's Collection sent to Brou (1533), 328

Catalogue of Manuscripts in Margaret of

Austria's Library at Malines, 330

A Few Letters from Maximilian I. to Margaret, and from Margaret to Various Persons, 335

Index, 343

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VIII

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

MARGARET OF AUSTRIA, Frontispiece

From the Window in the Chapel of the Virgin in the Church of Brou (about 1528).

PHILIPPE LE BEL AND HIS SISTER MARGARET OF AUSTRIA, To face page 12

Panel in the Imperial Museum, Vienna. (Photograph by J. Lowy.)

TOMB OF DON JOHN, PRINCE OF ASTURIAS, ONLY SON OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, AVILA,

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(Photograph by J. Lacoste.)

GHENT, SHOWING THE OLD BELFRY AND CHURCH OF ST. JOHN, WHERE CHARLES V. WAS BAPTIZED,

32

(Photograph by Deloeul.)

MEDAL STRUCK AT BOURG TO COMMEMORATE MARGARET OF AUSTRIA'S MARRIAGE WITH PHILIBERT, DUKE OF SAVOY, 40

British Museum Collection.

TOMB OF PHILIBERT LE BEAU, DUKE OF SAVOY, 45

In the Church of Brou. (Photograph by Neurdein freres.) PHILIPPE LE BEL, 64

From the Painting in the Louvre (Flemish School) (Photograph by Neurdein freres.)

CHARLES V. AND HIS TWO SISTERS, ELEANOR AND ISABEL, 69

Painted in 1502 (Margaret's Collection), now in the Imperial Museum, Vienna. (Photograph by J. Lowy.) IX

ELEANOR OF AUSTRIA AS A CHILD, 74

From the Painting by Mabuse in the possession of M. Charles Leon Cardou, Brussels. (Photograph by G. Van Oest & Co.)

MARGARET OF AUSTRIA IN WIDOW'S DRESS, 95

From the Painting by Bernard van Orley in the possession of Dr. Carvallo, Paris. (Photograph by the Art Reproduction Co.) CHARLES V., 154

From the Painting in the Louvre (Flemish School). (Photograph by Neurdein freres.)

THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN I. AND HIS FAMILY, 165

From the Painting by Bernhard Strigel in the Imperial Museum, Vienna. (Photograph by J. Lowy.)

FRANCIS I., 211

From a Painting in the Louvre (French School). (Photograph by Neurdein freres.)

THE CHILDREN OF CHRISTIAN II. AND ISABEL OF DENMARK--IN MOURNING DRESS FOR THEIR MOTHER,

234

From the Painting by Mabuse at Hampton Court Palace. (Photograph by W. A. Mansell & Co.)

CARVED WOODEN MANTELPIECE IN THE PALAIS DE JUSTICE, BRUGES, ERECTED TO COMMEMORATE THE PEACE OF CAMBRAY, 264

(Photograph by Neurdein freres.)

INTERIOR OF COURTYARD IN MARGARET'S PALACE AT MALINES, NOW THE PALAIS DE JUSTICE,

273

(Photograph by Deloeul.)

JOHN ARNOLFINI OF LUCCA, AND HIS WIFE JOAN, 278

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From the Painting by John van Eyck in the National Gallery.

LEGEND OF 'NOTRE DAME DU SABLON,' 284

From the Tapestry in the Musee du Cinquantenaire, Brussels.

It contains portraits of Margaret and her Nephews and Nieces. (Photograph by Deloeul.) X

TOMB OF MARGARET OF AUSTRIA, 298

In the Church of Brou. (Photograph by Neurdein freres.)

MARGARET OF AUSTRIA SITTING AT A TABLE WITH AN OPEN BOOK ADORING THE VIRGIN AND CHILD,

317

From a Diptych in the possession of M. Lescarts, Mons (Margaret's Collection).

(Photograph by G. Van Oest & Co.) XII

INTRODUCTION

Three of the craftiest royal rogues in Christendom strove hard to cozen and outwit each other in the last years of the fifteenth and the earlier years of the sixteenth century. No betrayal was too false, no trick too undignified, no hypocrisy too contemptible for Ferdinand of Aragon, Maximilian of Austria, and Henry Tudor if unfair advantage could be gained by them; and the details

of their diplomacy convey to modern students less an impression of serious State negotiations than of the paltry dodges of three hucksters with a strong sense of humour. Of the three, Ferdinand excelled in unscrupulous falsity, Maximilian in bluff effrontery, and Henry VII. in close-fisted cunning: they were all equal in their cynical disregard for the happiness of their own children, whom they sought to use as instruments of their policy, and fate finally overreached them all. And yet by a strange chance, amongst the offspring of these three clever tricksters were some of the noblest characters of the age. John, Prince of Castile, and Arthur, Prince of Wales, both died too young to have proved their full worth, but they were beloved beyond the ordinary run of princes, and were unquestionably gentle, high-minded, and good; Katharine of Aragon stands for ever as an exalted type of steadfast faith and worthy womanhood, unscathed in surroundings and temptations of XIII unequalled difficulty; and Margaret of Austria, as this book will

show, was not only a great ruler but a cultured poet, a patron of art, a lover of children, a faithful wife, a pious widow, and, above all, a woman full of sweet feminine charm.

In an age when princesses of the great royal houses were from their infancy regarded as matrimonial pledges for the maintenance of international treaties, few were promised or sought so frequently as Margaret; for an alliance with her meant the support of the Em-pire and the States of Burgundy, whilst her two rich dowries from earlier marriages made her as desirable from a financial point of view as she was personally and politically. But with her second widowhood in her youthful prime came to her a distaste for further experiments in a field where, as she said, so much unhappiness had befallen her, and of political marriages she would have no more. Her one real love affair, to which reference will be made presently, is pathetic as showing the sad fate of such an exalted princess, who, being a true woman and in love with a gallant man, yet had to stifle the yearnings of her heart for a happy marriage, and fulfil the duty imposed upon her by the grandeur of her destiny.

There was little of love, indeed, in most of the matrimonial proposals made to her, though for two short periods she was an affectionate wife. From the time when as a proud little maiden of twelve, conscious of the slight put upon her, she was repudiated by the man whom she had looked upon as her future husband as long as she could remember, and was sent away from the country of which she had been taught she was to be the Queen, until her body XIV was borne in state to the sumptuous fane which her piety had raised, but which she had never seen, Margaret of Austria knew that a princess of the imperial house must be a statesman first and a woman afterwards, at whatever sacrifice of her personal happiness.

In the great plot of Ferdinand, King of Aragon, to shut France in by a close ring of rivals, and so to stay her march eastward along the Mediterranean to the detriment of the little realm of his fathers, the first open move was made by the triumphant negotiations with Maximilian, King of the Romans, and future Emperor, for the marriage of Ferdinand's only son, John, the first heir of all

Spain, to Maximilian's only daughter, Margaret; and that of Maximilian's only son, Philip, sovereign by right of his mother of the rich duchies of Burgundy, to Ferdinand's second daughter, Joanna. The matches were cleverly conceived, for in the ordinary course of events they seemed to ensure that a band of close kinsmen, all descended from the King of Aragon, should rule over Flanders, the Franche Comte, Burgundy, the Empire, Spain, and Sicily, all banded together to prevent the expansion of France on any side, whilst the alliance which the marriages represented gave to Ferdinand the support of the Emperor as suzerain of Lombardy against the French pretensions in Italy generally, and especially in Naples, upon which the covetous eyes of the Aragonese were already firmly

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fixed. The marriage of Ferdinand's youngest daughter, Katharine, to the heir of England, at a somewhat later period, was another

link in the chain which was intended to bind France, and give to Ferdinand a free hand in the Mediterranean.

XV To Maximilian the marriages of his children with those of Ferdinand was also an advantage, since the only two enemies that the Empire and Burgundy had to fear, namely, France and the Turk, might always be diverted, when necessary, by the action of Aragon in the Mediterranean. Henry Tudor's interest in joining the combination against France is equally easy of explanation. He was a parvenu, anxious for the recognition of the legitimate sovereigns; and especially to secure that of Burgundy, which, under the influence of Margaret of York, the widowed Duchess of Burgundy, had hitherto supported and sheltered the pretenders to his throne. But from the very first each of the three clever players distrusted the others because he knew that he himself intended to cheat if

he could, and throughout the whole series of transactions sharp practice is the gentlest term that can be applied to the action of the high contracting parties.

The young people who were used by their parents as pieces on the political chessboard were, of course, innocent, except the Archduke Philip, who, as soon as he was able to take an independent hand in the game, outdid his seniors in depravity; and, as usually happens in the world, it was the innocent--Joanna the Mad, Katharine of Aragon, and Margaret of Austria--who had to suffer the unhappiness caused by the ambition and unscrupulousness of others. Of the three, Margaret was by far the most fortunate, because she was stronger-minded and abler than her sisters-in-law, and, after her early inexperienced youth, she was worldly wise enough to look after her own interests. But even her life was full of pathos and sacrifice, nobly and cheerfully borne, and of heavy XVI responsibility assumed serenely for the sake of the nephew whom she reared so worthily and served so well.

Mrs. Tremayne in the pages of this book has dwelt fully upon the busy later years of Margaret's life, drawing her information from many sources, in some cases not previously utilised, and there is little more to be told of these years than is here set forth. But it happens that since this book was in print a series of hitherto unknown documents of the highest interest have been printed for

the first time in Spanish by the Duke of Berwick and Alba, which throw many sidelights upon Margaret's early widowhood, and

upon her share in the intrigues by which her brother, Philip, endeavoured to deprive his father-in-law, Ferdinand, of the regency of Castile, after the death of Isabella the Catholic. It is fair to say that, although on one or two occasions Ferdinand's agents complained that Margaret favoured her brother as against his unhappy, distraught wife, which, if true, was quite natural, she generally appears throughout the documents in question as a kindly, gentle mediatress, endeavouring to reconcile the bitter feud that ended so tragi-cally, and to safeguard the children whom she loved and cared for tenderly when their father's death and their mother's madness left them doubly orphaned.

The Fuensalida correspondence, to which reference has been made, opens at the end of 1495, when the treaty for alliance and the double marriages of Philip and Joanna, and John and Margaret, had just been signed, and the instructions given by Ferdinand to

the new ambassador, Fuensalida, whom he sent to Germany to keep Maximilian up to the mark, even thus early show the profound distrust which underlay XVII the ostensibly cordial alliance upon which double marriages were to set the seal. 'What you have to do,' run the instructions, 'is to take care to maintain the King of the Romans in his good will to carry through these marriages ... and to strive to get him to give in the Milanese such aid and support as may be needed, declaring war against the King of France, as we have done for his sake.'

Ferdinand knew that the surest pledge he could have of Maximilian's effective cooperation would be the presence of Margaret in Spain, especially if he could manage to get her into his possession before his own daughter Joanna was sent to Flanders. 'If it be managed without inconvenience we should like Madame Margaret to come hither as soon as the betrothal is effected, before the Infanta our daughter goes; immediately if the weather will permit.... It may be done as follows. If at the time of the formal betrothal there are any ships there belonging to our subjects, sufficient to bring the Archduchess safely, the weather being fair, Rojas (i.e. Ferdinand's envoy in Flanders) may take all such vessels at such freight as he can, to be paid on their arrival here in Spain, and bring her

in the fleet with God's grace. Her coming thus would be safer, for she would arrive before the affair was publicly known, and if it can be done you will not delay for the Archduchess's trousseau, ornaments, and household baggage, which can be sent afterwards.' But, continues the King of Aragon, if it cannot be done, Joanna shall be sent in a Spanish fleet, and Margaret can embark in it on its re-turn to Spain. The careful Ferdinand remarks in his instructions that he intended to send with his daughter only eight ladies and the other XVIII attendants strictly necessary, and although Maximilian was not to be told this in as many words, he was to be persuaded to limit his daughter's household to accompany her to Spain to the smallest possible proportions.

But Maximilian, who was as wary as Ferdinand, had no notion of allowing his daughter to be sent to Spain before the Spanish

Infanta arrived in Flanders, and it was early in March of the year 1497 before Margaret first set her foot on Spanish soil at Santander.

Seven months afterwards fate dealt its first crushing blow upon Ferdinand's plans, and the bride, not yet eighteen, found herself

a widow. She had become greatly beloved in Spain, and Ferdinand and Isabel, especially the latter, in the midst of their own grief, cherished the daughter-in-law who might yet, they hoped, give them an heir to the crowns of Spain. Ferdinand, in conveying (in December 1497) the news of his son's death to his ambassador for the information of Maximilian, wrote: 'Tell him that our distress

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has prevented us from sending him the news earlier, and that our grief is increased by considerations for Princess Margaret, although she tries very hard, as befits her, to bear her trouble gently and wisely; and we try our best to console and please her, endeavouring to make her forget her loss. Her pregnancy, thanks be to God, goes on well, and we hope in His mercy that the result will be a reparation and consolation for our trouble. We do, and will, take as much care of the Princess as we would of her husband if he were alive, and she will always fill the same place as he did in our hearts.'

When this hope had fled, and Ferdinand and XIX Isabella proclaimed their eldest daughter, the Queen of Portugal, as their heir, Maximilian took the matter very philosophically, as well he might, for it brought much nearer the probability which Ferdinand had, as he thought, so cleverly guarded against, that the House of Hapsburg might rule over the greatest empire that had existed since the days of Alexander, and poor little Aragon be swamped by its sovereign's larger interests. Margaret had written to tell her father

the dolorous news of her child's still-birth, and Maximilian contented himself with sending a message by his secretary to the Spanish

ambassador, saying that although such an event naturally caused him some sorrow, he, bearing in mind that it was sent by God, for some good purpose of His own, accepted it without complaint, and thanked the Almighty for all things. Bearing in mind, moreover, that since Prince John himself had died, nothing that happened could increase his grief, for his heart had no room for more sorrow, he had decided to make no demonstration of mourning for the present calamity, and not to suffer any to be made by others.

Margaret appears to have been really grateful to Isabella the Catholic for her goodness to her in her trouble, for she wrote to her fa-ther in February 1498, that the Queen had never left her, and had been so kind that, considering the danger she, Margaret, had been in, she would have died but for solicitude of Isabella. When Maximilian told this to Fuensalida, the ambassador, of course by Ferdinand's orders, said it was painful to speak yet of Margaret's remarriage, but as she was young it was but natural that she would marry again. 'There is no prince in Christendom whom she could marry,' replied Maximilian. XX 'The King of Naples has no son of marriageable age; the King of England has already betrothed his son to the daughter of the Catholic sovereigns; the King of Scotland is a poor thing; the Duke of York (i.e. Perkin Warbeck) is married, and not at liberty; the King of Hungary has a wife already; the King of Poland is a nobody; so that there is no fit husband for her. It is true that the King of France is talking of repudiating his wife (i.e.

Anne of Brittany), and marrying her to Monsieur Louis with great dowries and states, whilst he keeps Brittany, since he has lost hope of having children by her, and he wants to marry my daughter Margaret. But I will not consent to this on any account, nor would

my daughter, for she has a great objection to go to France. Besides, I know for a fact that the King of France caused something to be given to her to bring on her miscarriage, and tried to poison King Ferdinand as well; so that there is nothing to be said about my daughter's marriage yet awhile.'

We may be quite sure that this hint that a French alliance was possible for Margaret was intended to remind Ferdinand that he must be careful not to offend his ally, and the ambassador urged very earnestly in the name of his master that Margaret might be allowed to stay in Spain until her remarriage was arranged: 'because whilst she was with the King and Queen the King of France would be unable to work his will with her, as he would have no opportunity of dealing in the matter, he being on bad terms with the King and Queen; besides which they would, in any case, refuse to listen to anything so shameful. But if, on the other hand, the Princess (Margaret) were in any of these States (i.e. Germany), XXI the King of France might be able to push the matter more warmly. Besides,' continued the ambassador, 'surely it would be best to avoid the risk of bringing the Princess home by sea, and the heavy expense

that you (i.e. Maximilian) would have to incur in fitting out a fleet for the purpose.' To all this, and much more to the same effect,

Maximilian replied but doubtfully. He knew full well that whilst Ferdinand held so valuable a pledge as Margaret in his hands he could always extort from his ally, her father, whatever he thought fit, and Maximilian, with the matrimonial value of his daughter in view, especially as the Spaniards knew that he was already in full negotiation for peace with France over Ferdinand's head, could only repeat that he must have his daughter back soon, though for the moment the question was dropped.

When some months afterwards, in August 1498, Maximilian had made a separate peace with France, much to Ferdinand's indignation, he determined to bring Margaret home at any cost. Why, asked Fuensalida of Maximilian, was he sending so important and unexpected an embassy to Spain? 'I am sending for my daughter,' replied the King of the Romans. 'If your Majesty means to bring her home at once,' exclaimed the ambassador, 'you ought to have sent notice to my King and Queen, and not bring away so great

a princess as she is thus suddenly. In any case she could not come until December.' 'I cannot wait so long as that,' replied Maximilian. 'But,' objected the ambassador, 'she cannot come before. It will take until September for your ambassadors to reach Spain, and all October will be spent in getting ships ready, and then another month XXII for the Princess to join them, and perhaps even two

months; and then the season of the year will be unfit for any one to go to sea, and the King and Queen will not like to expose the

Princess to such danger. Besides,' continued he, always ready to appeal to Maximilian's parsimony, 'if your Majesty had given due no-tice to my King and Queen you might have saved a great deal of money, for they would have fitted out a fleet in which the Princess might have come with all honour and safety; and even now, if your Majesty will wait until March, I will do my best to arrange it in this way, and you will not have to spend half so much money.'

But Maximilian knew the value of his daughter in his hands, and replied roughly that he would not wait. He would have her safe home, he said, before he began war again. 'If I send a single carrack from Genoa, and the King and Queen give her a convoy of four

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barks, she will come safe enough.' In vain the ambassador urged that corsairs and Frenchmen could not be trusted, and that it was a slight for such a princess to be sent home in so unceremonious a fashion. Maximilian was obstinate; he would have his daugh-

ter Margaret home at once, no matter at what risk. To add to his eagerness news came from Margaret herself, brought by special messengers of her household, who had much to say of the changed demeanour of the Spaniards, now that Maximilian had made a separate peace. Fuensalida did his best by underhand means, frightening the German ambassadors of the sea-voyage from Genoa to Spain and back in the winter, and of the dreadful corsairs who infested the Mediterranean, until they at last, really alarmed, begged Maximilian in Fuensalida's presence XXIII to let them have a very big carrack for their greater safety. Better send them by way of Flanders, interposed the artful Fuensalida, knowing the long delay which such a voyage would entail; but Maximilian angrily told him that he would do nothing of the sort.

So effectually had the Spaniard frightened the landsmen ambassadors of the sea that they themselves threw every possible obstacle

in their master's way, and told Fuensalida that, even though King Maximilian ordered them to go and fetch the Princess Margaret be-fore Christmas, they would not do so. Come what might, they said, they would not put to sea before Easter. They were not allowed, however, to delay quite so long as that, for Maximilian was determined to have his daughter out of the hands of Ferdinand, who he feared was making terms for himself by offering her in marriage to the new King of France, Louis XII. In writing to Margaret in September, her father, referring to his and her own desire that she should return to Flanders or Germany, says that 'no importunity nor pressure of any sort will move him from his resolve to bring her back at once,' and he urges her to insist upon her departure without loss of time.

Fortunately now, especially for the timid German ambassadors, the road overland through France was open, and Margaret travelled in comfort and safety to her home in Flanders early in 1499, to see Spain no more. Thither, too, went soon afterwards the Span-

ish ambassador Fuensalida, accredited especially to the Archduke Philip and his Spanish wife Joanna, whose conduct was already profoundly grieving Ferdinand and Isabella; and from Flanders XXIV the ambassador was to proceed to England and pin Henry VII. down irrevocably to the marriage of his son Arthur with Katharine. Already Ferdinand more than suspected that Maximilian was playing him false, and forming a league against him by negotiating Margaret's marriage with Arthur, Prince of Wales, already be-

trothed more than once to the Spanish princess. Fuensalida's mission was a delicate one; for Margaret's Flemish household had come back from Spain full of complaints, and the Court of Flanders was sharply divided by the partisans of Spain and Burgundy respectively, of the Archduchess Joanna and her dissolute husband, Philip. Margaret was to be conciliated as much as possible, and kept in the Spanish interest. 'You will visit our daughter the Princess Margaret,' wrote Ferdinand and Isabella to their envoy, 'and say that we beseech her to let us know how she is after her long journey; for we desire her health and welfare as that of our own daughter. For the love we bear her we will do everything in our power most willingly to aid and forward her settlement.' The envoy was also urged to counteract the efforts of those who wished to make bad blood between Flanders and Spain, and especially to enlist Margaret in favour of poor Joanna, her sister-in-law.

Fuensalida followed hard on the heels of Henry VII. from St. Omer and Calais to London, endeavouring by every means to discover how much truth there was in the assertion that an arrangement had been concluded to throw over Katharine of Aragon and marry the Prince of Wales to Margaret as a result of the mysterious foregathering of the King of England with the Archduke Philip. The story of Fuensalida's XXV successful though turbulent mission to England is told elsewhere;[1] but on his return to Flanders he found Margaret in the deepest anxiety with regard to her own affairs. Neither she nor Maximilian desired to forward by her marriage in England the anti-Spanish combination of England, France, and Flanders which Philip was planning; her dowry from Spain was, as was natural with Ferdinand for a pay-master, in arrear; and the coming voyage to Spain of Philip and Joanna at the urgent summons of Ferdinand and Isabella, who hoped to win over the Archduke, if possible, from his alliance with their enemies, was a subject of

the deepest concern to Margaret.

When Fuensalida first saw Margaret on his return to Brussels from England, in August 1500, she welcomed him eagerly in the belief that he brought some special message to her from Spain. He told her that his mission was simply one of affection towards her, and she made no attempt to hide her disappointment. The cause of her anxiety was soon apparent. Fuensalida reported in the same let-ter that the bastard of Savoy had been to see her secretly, and that she and her father, Maximilian, had looked with favour upon the proposal of the Duke of Savoy to marry her. Such a marriage was, of course, a blow, as it was intended to be, against her brother Philip's anti-Spanish projects, because not only did it leave Katharine of Aragon's marriage with the Prince of Wales undisturbed,

but it secured Savoy to the imperial and Aragonese interests against France, which was of the highest importance as touching the

French designs upon Italy. Her marriage in Savoy, moreover, was opposed strongly by Philip for another XXVI reason, namely, that he would, in case it was effected, be obliged to hand to his sister the domains belonging to Burgundy which had been bequeathed

to her by her mother; and in order to frustrate it Philip brought forward the recently widowed King of Portugal as a fit husband for

Margaret, which would have secured her residence in a distant country, and his continued occupation of her Burgundian inheritance.

Successive deaths had now made Philip and Joanna heirs of Spain, as well as of Burgundy, Flanders, and the Empire; the Archduke was already betrothing his infant son, Charles, the future King of Castile, to a French princess, and his open negotiations for the

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formation of a league against Ferdinand to assert Joanna's right to assume the crown of Castile on the death of her mother Isabella, who was in failing health, had fairly frightened Ferdinand, who knew not whom to trust; for Castilians generally disliked him, and were ready to acclaim Joanna and her foreign husband on the first opportunity--Joanna herself was unstable, violently jealous of

her husband, and with strange notions as regarded religion. She would not go to Spain alone, and Philip was determined not to go except on his own terms, and at his own time, and Margaret, living in close contact with the inharmonious pair, struggled bravely to reconcile the clashing interests that surrounded her.

There was a talk of leaving her regent of Flanders in the absence of her brother in Spain, and against this Ferdinand's agents were instructed to work secretly; although Margaret lost no opportunity of professing to the ambassador her attachment to Spanish interests. From several remarks in Fuensalida's letters to Ferdinand it is, however, evident that XXVII her desire was less to rule Flanders than to enjoy the care of the infants whom her brother and sister-in-law were to leave behind. But even this natural desire was opposed by the Spaniards; apparently because the Princess was looked upon as being too ready to follow her brother's lead. Writing

in March 1501 of Philip's dissolute life and his disaffection towards Spain, Fuensalida says: 'I am loath to say how much Madam

Margaret's good-nature encourages this, for she simply follows her brother's fancies in all things.'

But the departure of Margaret from Flanders in August 1501 for her marriage with the Duke of Savoy put an end for a time to her pretensions to take charge of her brother's children; and when she returned as a young widow early in 1505, the issue between Ferdinand and his undutiful son-in-law was joined, for Isabella the Catholic was dead, and Philip in right of his wife was arrogantly claiming, not only the crown of Castile, but the entire control of its policy against the wish of the great Queen just dead, whose last hours were embittered by the dread that her beloved, her sacred, Castile, would be ruled by a foreigner of doubtful orthodoxy. Philip was abetted in his revolt against Ferdinand by the Castilian officers attached to him who were jealous of Aragon, Don Juan Manuel, the principal Spanish diplomatist of his time, being their leader and Philip's prime adviser. As soon as Margaret arrived in her brother's Court both factions tried to gain her. 'My lady,' Don Juan Manuel is represented to have said to her on one occasion (June

1505), 'I shall be able to serve you quite as effectively as Antonio de Fonseca when I am in Castile and Treasurer-General'; XXVIII and at this time, when Philip and his friends were anticipating the rich booty they would gain in Castile, whither they were bound to take possession of mad Joanna's inheritance, Margaret was beset with offers of reward if she would throw in her influence against King Ferdinand.

It is abundantly clear that she grieved at the unhappy state of affairs. Ferdinand and his wife had been good to her in Spain, and easy-going as she may have been, she must have seen her brother's unworthiness and his bad treatment of Joanna; and yet it was neither prudent nor natural that she should oppose Philip violently. Fuensalida saw her in Bois le Duc in June 1505, whilst she was on her way to Bourg, and discussed matters with her. 'She told me that she had talked to her brother, and had asked him whether he would allow her to mediate between him and your Highness (Ferdinand), and he had answered, "No, you are still marriageable, and so is he, and I will not have any such third person interposing between us." She told me that her father and brother have made her swear that she will not entertain any marriage without their consent. She really believes that those who are around her brother have turned his head, and will not let him make terms with your Highness.... She bids me tell your Highness that she will continue to be

as obedient a daughter to you as she was when she was with you in Spain; and that she is going to her own home now for no other reason than that she cannot bear to see in silence the things that are going on, whereas if she spoke of them or protested against them, evil would come of it. She prefers, therefore, to go away, so that she may not witness them personally; for she sees quite XXIX plainly that the destruction of her brother's and her father's house will ensue. She prays your Highness to make use of her services

in any way you please, and she will do for you all that a good daughter may. "Why not speak to Queen Joanna?" I said. "Because they will not let me," she answered. I am told that Don Juan Manuel said to her (Margaret), what is the use of your going to speak to a stone? You might just as well speak to a stone as to the Queen.'

Margaret herself was determined not to be drawn into the shameful intrigue by which her brother sought to supplant his wife and her father in order to rule Castile himself and for his own pleasure; but it is evident that no stone was left unturned to gain her, directly or indirectly, by Don Juan Manuel and his friends. One of Margaret's officers was a certain Monsieur Louis, to whom Manuel offered, 'that if he would prevail upon his mistress to follow in all things the wishes of King Philip, her brother, he would get the King to give to Louis from the revenues of Castile an income equal to the highest officer of his household. Louis, he said, knew Castile: let him look about and choose any office or place he liked, and it should be granted to him. Louis succumbed to this temptation; but the Duchess (Margaret) heard of it, and never consented to speak to him again, although he had been her most trusted servant.'

Through this wretched business, which ended in the triumph of Ferdinand by the untimely death, probably by poison, of Philip in Spain, and the lifelong incarceration of crazy Joanna, Margaret is the only person who stands forth pure and unselfish. In the sum-mer of 1505, when Philip and Joanna were about XXX to start on their voyage to Spain, Margaret set out for her own castle of Pont d'Ain, full of her projects for building Brou; but just as she reached the frontier of her brother's dominions she was stopped by the news that her little nephew, Charles, was suffering from fever, and she determined to retrace her steps to see the children again, and bid farewell once more to unhappy Joanna.

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From her quiet retreat in Bresse Margaret was summoned, on the death of her brother, to rule the States, and care for the children whom he had left behind, bereft of a mother's care by the lunacy of Joanna. How nobly and self-sacrificingly she fulfilled her trust this book to some extent will tell; but of all the sacrifices she made in her wise and gentle life none was greater than the renunciation of her love, perhaps the only love she ever experienced, for the handsome Englishman who appears to have treated her so shabbily. For Charles Brandon, though his King's first favourite and brother-in-law, hardly played the game of love very fairly with Margaret. Kneeling at her feet in sweet dalliance after the banquet at Tournai, he drew from her finger, as lovers will, a ring, and placed it upon his own hand. In gentle chiding she told him in French, and then in Flemish so like English that he understood, that he was a thief. But soon she became alarmed when she saw he meant to keep it for a pledge; for it was well known and might compromise her; and she prayed him to restore it. 'But he understood me not,' and only the intervention of Henry the King, and a promise of a bracelet

of hers in exchange, made Charles Brandon give up his capture. But not for long; for again on his knees XXXI before the Princess at Lille soon afterwards, he took the ring a second time, and all the entreaties of the lady were unavailing to obtain its restoration, though a ring of far greater value was given to her in exchange, with all sorts of imprudent, perhaps not more than half-serious, promises on both sides never to marry without the consent of the other. Margaret, as she pathetically says, had never any intention of marrying at all, so unhappy had she been in her previous marriages: but at all events she hid Brandon's ring in her bosom, unseen by the world, and cherished the secret of her little love passage. Not so King Henry's flamboyant favourite, who made no conceal-ment of his conquest, and vaunted the possession of the jewel, though faithful Margaret could not believe it of him: 'for I esteem him much a man of virtue and wise.'

The sad little romance presents Margaret as a dignified great lady, who for one short space allowed herself to be simply a trustful woman in love, only to find that to such as she duty must be paramount over the promptings of the heart, and that a wooer, though he may be a duke, is not always a gentleman. Thenceforward, for many years, Margaret's life was that of a wise Vice-Regent for the Emperor whom she had reared from his childhood; until death relieved her from the task to which she devoted the best of her life. She died in harness, defrauded of an old age of refined leisure, to which she had looked forward, deprived even of a sight of the splendid church which is her own worthy tomb and monument; but it was perhaps most fitting that she should fall in the plenitude of her powers, leaving her beloved nephew the undisputed sovereign of the greatest dominion in the XXXII world, at peace with all Christendom, thanks largely to her efforts; and that she should go down to posterity remembered mainly as the first and noblest of the women of her imperial race who bore the title of Governess of the Netherlands.

Martin Hume

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THE FIRST GOVERNESS OF THE NETHERLANDS MARGARET OF AUSTRIA

CHAPTER I

QUEEN OF FRANCE

In the year 1491 an interview took place in the little town of Baugy in Poitou, between a youth of twenty-one and a girl of twelve. The fate of more than one kingdom was involved in this farewell meeting between two playfellows who had been companions and friends for nearly nine years. The youth had tears in his eyes as he hesitatingly made his excuses and unfolded his plan. He told his fair-haired companion that though he loved her with all his heart, yet he had made up his mind to send her back to her father, who had often expressed the wish to have her with him. The little maiden listened to her youthful husband's repudiation of his marriage vows with calm dignity, but when he continued to make excuses for his conduct she stopped him, saying with much spirit, 'that by reason of her youth, those who had counted on her fortune could never say or suspect that this had come upon her through any fault of her own.' The slight thus inflicted, the girl never forgot; and when years later she became Governess of the Netherlands, France knew 2 no greater enemy than Margaret of Austria, former Queen of France.

Margaret was born at Brussels[2] on January 10th, 1480, and baptized in Saint Gudule. Her godparents were Philippe de Ravenstein, Jean de Chalons, Prince of Orange, and Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV., King of England, third wife of Charles the Bold.

Margaret was the only daughter of the Archduke Maximilian, afterwards King of the Romans, and Emperor of Germany, by Mary of Burgundy, only daughter and heiress of Charles, Duke of Burgundy, surnamed the Bold.

When Margaret was barely two years old her mother died from the effects of a fall from a horse at the age of twenty-five, leaving

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two children, Philip (born 22nd July 1478) and Margaret. The Flemish States, discontented with Maximilian's rule, claimed their ancient right to educate his children, but in accordance with the terms of a treaty of peace signed at Arras between Louis XI. and the Archduke in the year 1483, Margaret was betrothed to the Dauphin Charles, afterwards Charles VIII., and was sent to France to be brought up and educated with the French princes. On the 2nd of June 1483, at the age of three, she made her entry into Paris amidst transports of joy, at the conclusion of the peace of which her presence was the pledge. 'And in honour of my said lady Margaret,

who from henceforth was called Dauphine, the streets were decorated, and many people rejoiced.'[3] Louis XI. did not appear at these fetes; he contented himself with secretly rejoicing over the successful issue of his cunning policy, an issue which would mean, as he foresaw, the downfall of the powerful house of Burgundy.

3 Margaret's dowry was a large one, consisting of Burgundy, the county of Artois, and the territories of Macon, Salins, Bar-sur-Seine, and Noyers. The ceremony of betrothal took place at Amboise with great pomp in presence of a numerous gathering assembled in the public square.

Charles, aged twelve, declared that he consented to take the three-year-old Margaret as his wife. The religious ceremony was performed the same day in the lower church of the castle, in presence of the lords and ladies of Beaujeu, of the Sire de la Tremouille, the Counts of Dunois, d'Albret, and many deputies from the provincial towns. The Dauphin, clothed in a robe of white damask lined with black velvet, married the little princess, and placed a ring upon her tiny finger. A mass was said, and a sermon preached by the Abbe of Saint Bertain, who compared this marriage to that of King Ahasuerus and Queen Esther; after which the Dauphin thanked all those who were present.

Two months later Louis XI. died (30th August 1483), leaving his kingdom to his son Charles, and appointing his favourite daughter, Anne de Beaujeu, as Regent. From the time of Louis' death Margaret was treated as queen, and given the honours due to her rank. Her childhood passed peacefully at Amboise, where she became the pet and plaything of her youthful husband, and of his cousin Louis, Duke of Orleans. It would be interesting to know the story of Margaret's life during the nine or ten years she was under the guardianship of Anne de Beaujeu. Charles's mother, the poor Queen Charlotte of Savoy, died soon after her eldest son's marriage, leaving the education of the young couple to the Regent Anne, whose vigorous intellect was not 4 satisfied with ruling the kingdom of France for her brother. She read a great deal, early fathers, philosophers, moralists and poets, and selected romances for the young people under her charge. Her library contained three hundred and fourteen volumes, some of which are noted in the catalogue as being covered with red velvet, and ornamented with clasps, bosses, and corner pieces of metal.

If it is true that the first years of life, early education and precepts, influence the rest of existence, then Margaret must have had a very careful bringing up at the French Court, to judge from the marked talents, wisdom, and prudence she displayed in later years. Amongst her companions at the castle of Amboise we find Louise of Savoy, her senior by three years. Louise (the mother of Francis I.) was the daughter of the Sieur de Bresse and Margaret of Bourbon, and sister of Philibert II., Duke of Savoy, Margaret's future husband. Louise was a niece of Anne de Beaujeu's, and appears to have been treated as a poor relation, 'only receiving eighty francs

at the New Year with which to buy herself a crimson satin dress for state occasions.' Anne's sickly little daughter, Susan, must also have been one of Margaret's younger playfellows.

The Lady of Beaujeu was devoted to hunting, and she hunted, we are told, 'coldly and methodically, with her own eyes examining the trail, and giving the word to hark forward, setting off with her hounds, and skilfully handling her hunting-spear. She probably encouraged this sport amongst her young companions, for we learn in after years that Margaret was a great huntress, and very proud of her stuffed wolves' heads.' Unhappily, no detailed account exists of Margaret's childhood in France, 5 but from what we know of her life at Amboise she seems to have been a bright and lively child, with a marvellously fair complexion, golden hair and soft brown eyes, making many friends, with a gift for repartee and a strong sense of humour, which probably helped her to bear the many sorrows of her later life.

Years after, when Louis of Orleans was King of France, he refers in his letters to Margaret to their happy youth at Amboise when

'she was the second person he loved best in the world; that he desires above all things to embrace his cousin, his vassal, his first mis-

tress, to remind her of their childish games, and after having made her blush by his compliments, to swear eternal love for her.'

In 1488 Francis II., Duke of Brittany, died, leaving only two daughters, Anne and Isabel. The latter did not long survive her father, but dying in August 1491 at the age of twelve, left her sister Anne sole possessor of the important duchy of Brittany. As early as

1480 Duke Francis had tried to arrange a marriage between his daughter Anne, or failing her, her younger sister Isabel, and the eldest son of Edward IV., King of England, but these plans were frustrated by the young prince's murder in the Tower of London.

Negotiations were then begun for an alliance with Maximilian, Duke of Austria, but were postponed owing to the princess's extreme youth. Amongst foreign alliances this seemed the most advantageous, although it offered no guarantee for the independence and maintenance of Brittany's nationality. The best way to ensure this independence would have been to marry Anne to one of the no-

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bles of her own country chosen from amongst those who had pretensions to the ducal crown. These were three in number: John of Chalons, Prince of Orange, a son of one of 6 Duke Francis II.'s sisters; John, Viscount de Rohan, who had married Mary, daughter of Duke Francis I., who claimed to be the direct descendant of Conan Meriadec, first King of Brittany; and Alain d'Albret, husband of a great-granddaughter of Joan the Lame. When Francis II. died, only the last of these three was a widower, and he was an unsuitable husband for a princess of thirteen, being more than forty-five years of age, and the father of eight children.

The Lords of her Council advised the young duchess to marry Maximilian of Austria, King of the Romans, and Anne, who was just entering her fourteenth year, agreed to this union. The preliminary negotiations for the marriage were arranged with the greatest secrecy in March 1490. Maximilian sent the Count of Nassau, Marshal Polhain, Jacques de Codebault, his secretary, and his steward, Louppian, to Brittany to negotiate matters, and arrange the betrothal. A few days after, so secretly that the day is not known, this ceremony took place according to German custom. In order to make the marriage indissoluble, says Legendre, and to give it the appearance of a consummated marriage, the Count of Nassau (others say it was the handsome Polhain, Maximilian's favourite), who had married Anne in his master's name, put his leg bared to the knee into the bride's bed in presence of the lords and ladies who were nominated as witnesses. When the details of this ceremony were divulged they caused great derision amongst the Bretons and French, who ridiculed a custom so different from their own. This marriage was a flagrant violation of the last treaty with France, for Charles VIII., whose ward the young duchess was, had not been consulted. As soon as he received information of the fact, he sent his troops 7 into Brittany, and penetrated farther and farther into that country, and Nantes was taken almost without a struggle by Alain d'Albret. In the first days of the year 1491 Charles VIII., accompanied by the Count of Dunois, Louis, Duke of Orleans, and the Lady of Beaujeu, joined his army in Brittany. The king held his Court at Nantes, and did his utmost to insinuate himself into the good graces of the inhabitants.

Anne, at the head of a small army under her tutor, the Marshal de Rieux, vainly tried to struggle against the French invaders. After many skirmishes, de Rieux obliged the French to retire to lower Brittany, until he received reinforcements from England. Anne showed a courage beyond her years and worthy of better success. She took refuge at last in the town of Rennes with her uncle the Prince of Orange, Marshal Polhain, and several faithful nobles, having only 14,000 men to defend her, principally English archers, Germans, and Spaniards, sent by her husband, the King of the Romans.

In 1491 the French laid siege to the town. Charles gradually drew his lines closer and closer; lack of food and money began to be felt in the beleaguered city. Charles offered the duchess 100,000 crowns a year if she would renounce the Government of Brittany, and choose any dwelling-place she pleased except the towns of Rennes and Nantes; he also suggested the choice of three husbands, either Louis of Luxembourg, the Duke of Nemours, or the Count of Angouleme.

Anne replied that she was married to the King of the Romans, and that if he refused to have her, she still would consider herself his wife, and would never be the wife of another. Should Maximilian die, and 8 she be in a position to remarry, she would only marry a king or the son of a king.

Charles, convinced of her obstinacy, then tried to induce her garrison to desert. Being chiefly mercenary troops they succumbed to persistent bribery, and marched out of the town, leaving it free for him to enter. After taking possession he made a new proposition to the duchess, namely, to renounce for ever all rights to the duchy of Brittany excepting an allowance of PS100,000 a year, and retire to the King of the Romans, whom she looked upon as her husband.

Towards the end of the siege of Rennes, Anne's youngest sister, Isabel, died in the town on the 24th August 1491. By her death in her twelfth year Anne was left sole heiress of the largest duchy in Europe. This was too attractive a bait for Charles's ambition, and he made up his mind to break his marriage with his old playfellow Margaret, and to do all in his power to make Anne accept him as her husband.

It is no wonder that the young Duchess of Brittany or rather her advisers were in no hurry to reply to Charles's last monstrous proposition. After waiting some time he again tried a new plan, and, partly by threats and partly by promises, persuaded her advisers to work on their young mistress's mind in such a way as to bring her to think more kindly of him. Her uncle, Prince of Orange, Marshal de Rieux, Montauban, Chancellor of Brittany, and her governess, Frances of Dinan, talked so much on the subject, that by degrees they got her slightly to change her mind. It was no wonder that Anne felt a great repugnance for Charles, who for three years had carried on war against her, ruining her lands, 9 and under pretext of being her lawful protector trying to take her prisoner. For several days her councillors, won over by Charles, endeavoured to bring her to reason, without success; but at last her governess had recourse to her confessor, who persuaded her that God and the Church ordained that she should make this sacrifice for the sake of peace and the good of her country.

Charles, under pretence of a pilgrimage, went with all his Court to the chapel of Our Lady situated near the gates of Rennes. After performing his religious duties he suddenly entered the town, accompanied by his sister, Anne de Beaujeu, Count Dunois, and a

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hundred men-at-arms and fifty archers of the guard. The next day he paid a visit to the young duchess, and had a long interview with her. Three days later their betrothal was celebrated in the chapel of Our Lady in presence of the Duke of Orleans, Count Dunois, and Anne de Beaujeu on one side; the Chancellor of Brittany, the Prince of Orange, and several nobles devoted to the duchess on

the other.

Marshal Wolfgang de Polhain, instructed by Maximilian to betroth Anne to his master, heard a rumour of this hasty alliance. He questioned the French and Breton nobles, but they refused to give him an answer. A few days later he was invited to the marriage ceremony which had been arranged to take place in the castle of Langeais in Touraine. Polhain refused to attend, and hastened to Malines to give Maximilian an account of these proceedings.

This sudden marriage caused great astonishment throughout Europe. How could people believe that the young duchess, then in her fourteenth year, and 10 well able to understand the importance of her acts, had consented to marry a king who for years had made war against her and despoiled her of her heritage! Besides it was well known that since the Treaty of Arras in 1483 Charles had been affianced to Maximilian's daughter, Margaret of Austria.

The rumour got about that the Duchess Anne had been forced into the marriage. The Pope believed this, and in granting the dispen-

sation which was only asked for after the marriage had taken place, he formally announced that he would only confirm this union if

it could be proved that it had not been brought about by force. Anne herself undertook to refute this calumny by declaring before an ecclesiastical commission that she had suffered no violence, and that she had gone to Langeais of her own free will to marry Charles.

In the marriage contract a clause was inserted to the effect that should Anne survive Charles, without children, she could only

remarry with his successor. Thus was the duchy of Brittany secured to the crown of France, and the king's ambitious scheme realised

to Margaret's mortification.

Mezerai tells us that 'a double dispensation was necessary, first to annul Charles's marriage with Margaret, and secondly to free Anne from her contract with Maximilian. The marriages not having been consummated, the Court of Rome did not make any great difficulty.'

When Maximilian heard that his affianced bride had become the wife of Charles VIII., and that his daughter was about to be returned to him despoiled of her title of Queen of France, he made all the Courts of Europe ring with his complaints. War began again and lasted for two years. In 1493 peace 11 was restored by the Treaty of Senlis, concluded between Charles and Maximilian. The King of the Romans renounced the title of Duke of Brittany, and was put in possession of the whole duchy of Burgundy as well as the Franche Comte, and Artois, which had been included in Margaret's dowry.

If we are to believe Pasquier, Margaret had a foreboding of her misfortune before these events took place. One day whilst walking

in the garden at Amboise, her ladies and gentlemen noticed that she seemed very melancholy, and one of them asked her the reason. She replied that she had had a strange dream, which she could not forget, for she believed it boded ill. In her dream she thought she

was in a large park, and saw a marguerite (daisy) which she was told to watch; whilst she gazed at the flower, a donkey came and tried

to eat it; she kept him off as long as she could, but at last he seized and devoured it. This troubled her so much that she woke with a start, and the dream still weighed upon her mind.

No one then anticipated what ultimately happened, but afterwards this quaint dream was looked upon as a forecast of Margaret's broken marriage. Curiously enough her dismissal had been provided for by Louis XI. at the time of the Treaty of Arras, as the following clause in the treaty will show. 'If it should happen (which God forbid) that my said Lady Margaret being of age, my said Lord the Dauphin should not proceed to the perfect consummation of the said marriage, or that the said marriage should be broken by the king, Monseigneur the Dauphin, or others on their part, during the minority of the young lady or after; in which case, my said lady 12 shall be sent at the king's expense or at that of my said Lord the Dauphin, back to my said Lord the Duke her father, or the Duke Philip her brother, frankly and fully discharged of all bonds of marriage and all other obligations, to one of the good towns in the territories of Brabant, Flanders, or Hainault, to a safe place acknowledging obedience to the said Dukes.'

But Margaret remained in France for two years after Charles's marriage with Anne of Brittany, which took place on December 6th,

1491. Neglected by her father, and kept as a sort of hostage until the Peace of Senlis was signed, she passed her time in seclusion.

'When the king had restored peace to Brittany, he returned to France, and gave orders that Madam Margaret of Flanders should retire to the castle of Melun on the river Seine, and take with her the Princess of Tarente'; here she remained for more than a year. An interesting letter written by Margaret to Anne de Beaujeu from Melun has fortunately been preserved. In it she requests that her cousin might not be taken away from her, although the king has ordered her to leave, and mentioning that Madame de Molitart has told her that she is to be better treated than formerly:--[4]

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'Madame ma bonne tante, il faut bien que je me plaigne a vous comme a celle en qui j'ay mon esperance, de ma cousine que l'on m'a voulu oster, qui est tout le passe-temps que j'ay, et quand je l'auray perdue je ne scay plus que je feray. Parquoi je vous prie que veuillez tenir la main pour moy qu'elle ne me soit ostee, car plus grand deplaisir ne me scauroit-on faire. Lachault est venu qui a 13 apporte lettres adressantes a madite cousine, par lesquelles le Roy lui escrivoit qu'elle s'en allast; toutefois je ne l'ay pas voulu souffrir, jusques a ce que vous en eusse advertie, en esperant que m'y seriez en aide, comme j'ay en cela et en autre chose ma parfaite fiance, vous priant, Madame ma bonne tante, que quelque part que je soye ne parte point de vostre bonne grace, car toujours en aurai-je besoin, a laquelle bien fort me veut recommander. Madame de Molitart m'a dit que voulais que je sois mieux traitee que je ne fus oncques, qui est une chose qui m'a fort rejouie, puisque avez encore souvenance de moy, vous disant adieu, Madame ma bonne tante, que je prie qu'il vous doint le plus aime de vos desirs. Escrit a Melun, le dix-septieme jour de Mars. Vostre bonne humble et leable niece Marguerite.

'A Madame ma bonne tante.'

PHILIPPE AGED 16 MARGARET AGED 14

IMPERIAL MUSEUM, VIENNA View larger image

Jean le Maire relates that the autumn of 1491 was very cold and the grapes did not ripen. One day when Margaret was at table she overheard the gentlemen of her suite discussing this fact, and with a play on the words remarked sadly that it was not surprising if the vines (sarments de vigne) were green this year, as vows (serments) were of no value (referring to the king's broken word).

Before Margaret left France she was made to swear on the Cross and the Gospels that she would renounce for ever all pretensions to her marriage with Charles. At last she set out on her long journey back to Flanders. Charles took care that she was treated with every respect. Anne of Brittany showed her great sympathy, and tried by all means in her power to make Margaret forget her mortification. At the moment of departure Anne 14 ordered Jeanne de Jambes, her most skilful maid of honour, to make an embroidered coif to offer the princess, as well as some gold ornaments, the whole valued at the large sum of PS450.[5]

The French nobles who had been attached to Margaret's person for nearly twelve years accompanied her on her journey. The little princess was calm, but she bore a grudge against France which she never forgot, and which is noticeable in all her later dealings with her first husband's kingdom. When she passed through the town of Arras the citizens cried, 'Noel, Noel,' a French cry that annoyed Margaret; she called back to them, 'Do not cry Noel, but long live Burgundy!'

Thus she was escorted to St. Quentin, from thence to Cambray, Valenciennes, and finally to Malines, where she was received by her brother Philip and by Margaret of York, the widow of her grandfather, Charles the Bold. 'When she alighted from her litter near a mill by a small stream which divided the royal and archducal dwelling, she thanked the said lords and ladies who had brought and accompanied her, begging them all to recommend her very humbly to the king their master, bearing no ill-will because of his separa-tion from her, believing that marriages ought to be voluntary.'

However, Margaret always showed great regard for Anne of Brittany, and even more so when the queen married Louis XII. The documents of the 15 period abound in exchange of civilities between the princesses. Thus ended Margaret's first matrimonial adventure. Her former husband did not long survive his marriage with Anne, but died almost suddenly in April 1498, and left no children. His widow fulfilled the clause in her marriage contract, and married his successor, who ascended the throne as Louis XII.

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CHAPTER II

PRINCESS OF ASTURIAS

Charles VIII. was hardly free from his sister's tutelage when he dreamt of conquering the kingdom of Naples, which he claimed as heir to the house of Anjou. An embassy which he received from Ludovico Sforza, afterwards Duke of Milan, made him the more determined to carry out this project.

By the Treaty of Barcelona (January 1493) Charles had agreed to restore to Ferdinand of Aragon the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne in return for Ferdinand's assurance that he would leave him a free hand in Italy and elsewhere, and would not form matrimonial alliances with the houses of England, Austria, or Naples; but when, in 1494, Charles informed Ferdinand of his intentions against Naples, and claimed his aid in accordance with the treaty, the King of Aragon pretended to be shocked and surprised, and

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quietly set to work to circumvent his plans and to side with his enemies.

On the 10th of July 1494 the Duke of Orleans crossed the Alps with the advance guard of the French army. Charles soon followed, and was received with great honour by Ludovico Sforza and the Duke of Ferrara. After crossing Italy in triumph, he arrived at Na-ples without having broken a single lance, and made a solemn entry into 17 the town, whilst the King of Naples, abandoned by his subjects and betrayed by his generals, fled to Sicily.

But in the midst of his triumphs Charles learned, through the historian Commines, his ambassador in Venice, of the perfidy of his allies and of the new league that was formed against him by Henry VII. of England, Ferdinand of Aragon, Maximilian (recently elected emperor after the death of his father), the Pope Alexander VI., the Republic of Venice, and the Duke of Milan. All these confederates combined in a common interest to drive the French out of Italy, and to attack France from different sides at the same time.

'The ambitious schemes of Charles VIII. established a community of interests among the great European states, such as had never before existed, or at least been understood; and the intimate relations thus introduced naturally led to intermarriages between the principal powers, who until this period seemed to have been severed almost as far asunder as if oceans had rolled between them.... It was while Charles VIII. was wasting his time at Naples that the marriages were arranged between the royal houses of Spain and Austria, by which the weight of these great powers was thrown into the same scale, and the balance of Europe unsettled for the greater part of the following century.

'The Treaty of Venice provided that Prince John, the heir of the Spanish monarchies, then in his eighteenth year, should be united with the Princess Margaret, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian, and that the Archduke Philip, his son and heir, and sovereign of the Low Countries in his mother's right, should marry Joanna, second daughter of Ferdinand 18 and Isabella. No dowry was to be required with either princess.'[6]

The conditions of this double marriage were drawn up by Francisco de Rojas, sent to Flanders by Ferdinand and Isabella for this purpose. The proposals were agreed to by both sides, and it was arranged that the fleet which brought Joanna of Castile to Flanders should carry Margaret of Austria to Spain.

The following amusing anecdote is from Zurita, and mentioned in A. R. Villa's Life of Dona Juana la Loca. Francisco de Rojas, who was chosen by Isabella to marry Margaret by proxy, was presented with a brocade garment by Antonio de Valle on his arrival in Flanders, and was told that he must see that he was tidy at the ceremony of betrothal, as according to the German custom he would have to undress as far as his doublet and hose. This he promised to do, but when he came to remove his coat, it was seen that his shirt protruded from his hose at the back. This carelessness caused him to be much teased by the courtiers, who with difficulty concealed their smiles at the time.

By the end of the summer in 1496 a fleet, consisting of one hundred and thirty vessels, large and small, strongly manned and

thoroughly equipped, was got ready for sea in the ports of Guipuzcoa and Biscay. The whole was placed under the command of

Don Fadrique Enriquez, Admiral of Castile, who carried with him a splendid array of chivalry. A more gallant and beautiful Armada never before quitted the shores of Spain. The Infanta Joanna, attended by a numerous suite, embarked towards the end of August

at the port of Laredo, on the eastern borders of Asturias, where she bade farewell to her 19 mother, Queen Isabella, who travelled through Spain to take leave of her seventeen-year-old daughter. On August the 20th the queen wrote to Doctor de Puebla (Ferdi-

nand's envoy in England) from Laredo to inform him that the fleet that was taking her daughter to Flanders, and bringing the Infanta

Margaret to Spain, was to sail the next day. 'If they should enter an English port, she hopes that they will be treated in England as though they were the daughters of Henry VII. himself.'[7] The queen also addressed a letter to the King of England begging for the same favours. A navy of fifteen thousand armed men was needed to escort the bride to Flanders and bring back Prince John's

betrothed to Spain. For two nights after the embarkation Isabella slept on the ship with her daughter, and when at last the fleet sailed

on August 22nd, she turned her back on the sea, and rode with a heavy heart back to Burgos.

The weather soon after Joanna's departure became extremely tempestuous, and the poor princess had a terrible voyage; her fleet was driven into Portland, and one of the largest ships came into collision and foundered. But this was not the end of her troubles, for on the Flemish coast another great ship was wrecked, with most of her household, trousseau, and jewels. Several vessels were lost, and many of her attendants perished from the hardships they had to endure, amongst them the old Bishop of Jaen, who had accompanied her to give state and dignity to her suite. Eventually the whole fleet arrived at Ramua, sorely disabled and needing a long delay for refitting before it could return to Spain.[8] Soon after her arrival in Flanders her marriage with the Archduke 20 Philip was celebrated with much pomp at Lille. At a tournament given in her honour at Brussels, three knights wearing her colours entered the lists and fought against three of Margaret's knights; the latter were dressed in white, and wore 'marguerites' embroidered as

their badge. Philip neglected and ill-treated his wife's countrymen to the extent of allowing nine thousand of the men on the fleet at

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Antwerp to die from cold and privation, without trying to help them; his young wife's Spanish household were unpaid, and even the income settled upon her by Philip was withheld, on the pretext that Ferdinand had not fulfilled his part of the bargain agreed upon in the marriage settlements.

The fleet was detained until the following winter to carry the destined bride of the young Prince of Asturias to Spain. Margaret was now in her eighteenth year, and already distinguished for those intellectual qualities which made her later one of the most remarkable women of her time. She must have been a lovely girl, tall and fair, with masses of waving golden hair, a brilliant complexion,

soft brown eyes, and a rather long narrow face, with the full under-lip so peculiar to the house of Austria. It is no wonder that Prince

John fell in love with her, or that his parents welcomed her with admiration. In the spring of 1497 Margaret left Flushing and started on her long journey to Spain. She had an even worse voyage than her sister-in-law. A fearful storm arose, and her vessel was nearly wrecked. When the tempest had somewhat subsided, she and her companions amused themselves with each writing her own epitaph.

Margaret composed the following well-known distich, which she bound to her arm for identification, and jokingly 21 said might be

engraved on her tomb, in case her body should be washed ashore:--

'Cy gist Margot la gentil' Damoiselle, Qu' ha deux marys et encor est pucelle.'

Fortunately this witty epitaph was not needed. The fleet passed the English Channel in the beginning of February, and was com-

pelled through stress of weather to take refuge in the harbour of Southampton. On February the 3rd Henry VII. wrote the following letter to the Princess Margaret:--

Most illustrious and most excellent Princess, our dearest and most beloved cousin,--With all our heart we send to greet you, and to recommend ourself. We have received through the most renowned, most prudent, and most discreet ambassador of our most beloved cousins the King and Queen of Spain, at our Court, the letters of the admiral and ambassador of the said King and Queen, who accompany your Excellence. By them we are informed that your Highness, enjoying the best of health, has entered with your whole fleet and suite our harbour of Southampton. Our subjects of that neighbourhood had already communicated to us the arrival of your Highness. As soon as we heard of it, we sent our well-beloved and trustworthy vassals and servants, the seneschal of our palace, and Sir Charles Somerset, our captain and guardian of our body, and also a doctor utriusque juris, and keeper of our Privy Seal, to see, visit, and consult you in our name, and to tell you how agreeable and delightful to us was the arrival of your Excellence in our dominions, especially as it has pleased God to give you and your company (to whom we recommend ourself likewise) good health and cheerful spirits. 22 Our servants are to place at your disposal our person, our realm, and all that is to be found in it. They are to provide you with whatever you wish, and serve and obey you as ourself. You will more fully learn our intentions from them and from the letters of the Spanish ambassador who resides at our Court.'

The following is in the king's handwriting:--

'Dearest and most beloved cousin,--Desirous the more to assure your Excellence that your visit to us and to our realm is so agreeable and delightful to us, that the arrival of our own daughter could not give us greater joy, we write this portion of our letter with our own hand, in order to be able the better to express to you that you are very welcome, and that you may more perfectly understand

our good wishes. We most earnestly entreat and beseech your Highness, from the bottom of our heart, to be as cheerful as though you were with the dearest and most beloved King and Queen of Spain, our cousins, and that you will stay in whatever part of our realms as cheerfully and without fear as though you were in Spain. In all and everything you want, do not spare us and our realms, for you will render us a great and most acceptable service by accepting anything from us.--Palace, Westminster, 3rd February.'[9]

The king then begs her to stay at Southampton, and even offers to pay her a visit there:--

'Most illustrious and most excellent Princess, our most noble and most beloved cousin,--We have received to-day the letter of the

2nd instant, which your Highness has written from the harbour of 23 Southampton, and are much pleased with it. We are also very glad to learn the good news contained in your letter and the letter of the illustrious ambassador, whom our dearest cousins, the King and Queen of Spain, your most pious parents, have ordered to accompany you. He informs us of your prosperity and good success. We, on our part, have sent to inform you of our inviolable friendship, and to tell you how agreeable in every respect your arrival in our harbour has been to us. On Friday we sent you our servants and domestics, with injunctions to serve you in the same way as

they serve ourselves; and a short time after they had left we wrote to your Excellence a letter with our own hand, to give you a hearty welcome in our harbour. We beseech you to have a cheerful face and a glad heart, to be happy and enjoy yourself as safely as though you were our own daughter, or had already reached the dominions of our said cousins the King and Queen of Spain, your pious parents. We pray your Highness, with all our heart, to dispose of us and of everything that is to be found in our realms, and to spare us in nothing, even if the thing is not to be had in our dominions, and to order any service which we are able to execute. For, by doing so, you will bestow on us a signal and most acceptable favour. As we hear that the wind is contrary to the continuation of your voyage, wishing that your Highness would repose and rest, our advice is, that you take lodgings in our said town of Southampton,

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and remain there until the wind becomes favourable and the weather clears up. We believe that the movement and the roaring of the sea is disagreeable to your Highness and to the ladies who accompany you. If you accept our proposal, and remain so 24 long in our said town of Southampton that we can be informed of it, and have time to go and to see you before your departure, we certainly

will go and pay your Highness a visit. In a personal communication we could best open our mind to you, and tell you how much

we are delighted that you have safely arrived in our port, and how glad we are that the (friendship) with you and our dearest cousins the King and Queen of Spain, your most benign parents, is increasing from day to day. We desire to communicate to you in the best manner our news, and to hear from you of your welfare. May your Highness be as well and as happy as we wish.--From our Palace of Westminster.... February.'[10]

We have no account of Margaret's accepting Henry's invitation, or of their meeting at this time. After these various adventures the princess at length arrived safely at the port of Santander in the early days of March 1497. An ambassador was sent to meet her with a train of one hundred and twenty mules laden with plate and tapestries. The young Prince of Asturias, accompanied by the king

his father, hastened towards the north to meet his bride, whom they met at Reynosa and escorted to Burgos. When Margaret saw her future husband and the king approach, she attempted to kiss the latter's hands, which he tried to prevent her from doing, but she persevered, and kissed the king's hands as well as those of her future husband. On her arrival at Burgos she was received with the greatest marks of pleasure and satisfaction by the queen and the whole Court. Preparations were at once made for solemnising

the marriage after the expiration of Lent, in 25 a style of magnificence never before witnessed. The wedding ceremony took place

on Palm Sunday, the 3rd of April, and was performed by the Archbishop of Toledo in the presence of the grandees and principal nobility of Castile, the foreign ambassadors and delegates from Aragon. Among these latter were the magistrates of the principal cities, wearing their municipal insignia and crimson robes of office, who seem to have had quite as important parts assigned by their democratic communities as any of the nobility or gentry. The wedding was followed by a brilliant succession of fetes, tourneys, tilts of reeds, and other warlike spectacles, in which the matchless chivalry of Spain poured into the lists to display their prowess in the presence of their future queen. The chronicles of the day remark on the striking contrast exhibited at these entertainments between the gay and familiar manners of Margaret and her Flemish nobles, and the pomp and stately ceremonial of the Castilian Court, to which the Austrian princess, brought up as she had been at the Court of France, could never be wholly reconciled. The following quaint passage is from Abarca's Reyes de Aragon:--'And although they left the princess all her servants, freedom in behaviour and diversions, she was warned that in the ceremonial affairs she was not to treat the royal personages and grandees with the familiarity and openness usual with the houses of Austria, Burgundy, and France, but with the gravity and measured dignity of the kings and realms of Spain.'

An inventory of the rich plate and jewels presented to Margaret on the day of her marriage is to be found in the sixth volume of memoirs of the Spanish Academy of History. The plate and jewels are 26 said to be 'of such value and perfect workmanship that the like was never seen.'

Nothing seemed wanting to the happiness of the young bride and bridegroom, and that summer they made a kind of triumphal progress through the great cities of the land. The marriage of the heir-apparent could not have been celebrated at a happier time.

It took place in the midst of negotiations for a general peace, to which the nation looked for repose after so many years of uninterrupted war. The Court of the Spanish sovereigns was at the height of its splendour; Ferdinand and Isabella seemed to have reached the zenith of their ambitious dreams, when death stepped in, and destroyed their fondest hopes.

Seven months after Prince John's marriage, his sister, Isabella, was united to the King of Portugal. The wedding took place at the frontier town of Valencia de Alcantara, in the presence of the Catholic sovereigns, without pomp or parade of any kind.

While they were detained there, an express messenger brought tidings of the dangerous illness of their son, the Prince of Asturias. Prince John, accompanied by his youthful bride, had been on his way to his sister's wedding when he fell a victim to a malignant fe-ver at Salamanca. The symptoms speedily assumed an alarming character. The prince's constitution, naturally delicate, sunk under the violence of the attack; and when his father, who came with all possible speed to Salamanca, arrived there, no hopes were entertained of his recovery.

Ferdinand, however, tried to cheer his son with hopes he did not feel himself; but the young prince 27 told him that it was too late to be deceived; that he was prepared to die, and that all he now desired was that his parents might feel the same resignation to the divine will which he experienced himself. Ferdinand took fresh courage from the heroic example of his son, whose forebodings were unhappily too soon realised. The doctors fearing to alarm Margaret, who was expecting shortly to become a mother, had kept from her the serious state of her husband's health as long as possible. Knowing that he was ill, she was anxious to go on a pilgrimage to pray for his recovery. 'When at last she was allowed to enter his room on the 4th October 1497 she was shocked to see the change which a few days had wrought in him. Her dying husband bade her farewell in a broken voice, recommending their unborn child to her tender care. Margaret pressed her lips to his, but when she found them already cold, overcome by emotion, she had to be carried half-dead from the room.' Bowed down with grief, she did not recover from the shock of her sudden bereavement, and soon after

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her husband's death, gave birth to a still-born child.[11]

This double tragedy is pathetically described by the historian, Peter Martyr, who draws an affecting picture of the anguish of the young widow, and the bereaved parents. 'Thus was laid low the hope of all Spain.' 'Never was there a death which occasioned such deep and general lamentation throughout the land.' Ferdinand, fearful of the effect which the sudden news of this calamity might have on the queen, caused letters to be sent at brief intervals, 28 containing accounts of the gradual decline of the prince's health, so as to prepare her for the inevitable stroke. Isabella, however, received the fatal tidings in a spirit of humble resignation, saying, 'The Lord hath given and the Lord hath taken away, blessed be his name!'[12]

Another historian relates that Ferdinand, fearing that the sudden news of John's death would kill Isabella with grief, caused her to be told that it was her husband, Ferdinand himself, that had died, so that when he presented himself before her, the--as he supposed--lesser grief of her son's death should be mitigated by seeing that her husband was alive. The experiment does not appear

to have been very successful, as Isabella was profoundly affected when she heard the truth. (Florez, Reinas Catolicas.) The blow was one from which she never recovered. John was her only son, her 'angel' from the time of his birth, and the dearest wish of her heart

had been the unification of Spain under him and his descendants.[13] Every honour which affection could devise was paid to Prince

John's memory. The Court, to testify its unwonted grief, put on sackcloth instead of white serge usually worn as mourning. All offices, public and private, were closed for forty days; and every one dressed in black. The nobles and wealthy people draped their mules with black cloth down to the knees, showing only their eyes, and black flags were suspended from the walls and gates of the cities. Such extraordinary signs of public sorrow show in what regard the young prince was held. Peter Martyr, his tutor, is unbounded in his admiration of his royal pupil's character, whose brilliant promise and intellectual and moral excellence 29 gave the happiest hopes for the future of his country. These hopes, alas, were destroyed by his untimely death, and that of his infant child.

Prince John's funeral was celebrated on a magnificent scale, and his body laid in the Dominican Monastery of Saint Thomas at Avila, which had been erected by his parents. A few years later his treasurer, Juan Velasquez, caused a beautiful monument to be raised to his memory, and himself added a short but pathetic epitaph. This tomb is the masterpiece of Micer Domenico of Florence, and resembles the exquisite royal sepulchres at Granada. It is placed under an elliptical arch, in front of the high altar, and is one of the finest specimens of an Italian Renaissance tomb. The handsome young prince is depicted lying full length on his marble couch, his hands together as if in prayer. The whole figure is exquisitely simple and dignified in its perfect repose; and if the beautiful marble effigy was true to life, we can understand the overwhelming grief of Spain at his loss.

TOMB OF DON JOHN, PRINCE OF ASTURIAS,

ONLY SON OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA AVILA View larger image

After her husband's death Margaret became so popular 'that she was often obliged to wait in the fields under the shade of the olives till night fell, as she dared not enter the towns and cities by day, because the people pressed with affectionate tumult round her litter to see her face, crying aloud that they wished for her alone, for their lady and princess, although when the Queen of Portugal, the heiress, made her solemn and pompous entries in broad daylight, they hardly greeted her.'[14] Prince John's eldest sister, the Queen

of Portugal, was next in the succession, but by her death in the following year, and that of her infant son two years later, 30 her sister

Joanna, wife of the Archduke Philip, became heiress to the thrones of Aragon and Castile.

Margaret was treated most affectionately by the king and queen, who made her a very liberal provision, and tried in every way to comfort and console her. Whilst she was at the Spanish Court we hear of her teaching French to her little sister-in-law, Katharine, who was betrothed to Arthur, Prince of Wales. On July 17th, 1498, De Puebla is instructed to write to the Spanish sovereigns that

'the Queen and the mother of the King wish that the Princess of Wales should always speak French with the Princess Margaret, who is now in Spain, in order to learn the language, and to be able to converse in it when she comes to England. This is necessary, because these ladies do not understand Latin, and much less Spanish. They also wish that the Princess of Wales should accustom herself to drink wine. The water of England is not drinkable, and even if it were, the climate would not allow the drinking of it.'[15]

Margaret spent nearly two years at the Spanish Court. After the first anniversary of her husband's death had passed, and his memory been duly honoured by pompous services at Avila, her return to Germany was discussed. Her Flemish attendants had never become accustomed to the wearisome etiquette and stately ceremonial of the Court of Spain, and by their unreasonable demands stirred up discord between her and the king and queen. Maximilian hearing disquieting reports, urged his daughter to lose no time in returning to him, which the princess decided to do. Ferdinand and Isabella seem to have 31 had a real affection for their widowed daughter-

in-law, and when the time for parting came, expressed much sorrow at losing her. At last she set out on her long journey back to

Flanders (1499). Her former husband, Charles VIII., had died suddenly in April 1498, leaving his kingdom to his cousin, the Duke

of Orleans, who ascended the throne as Louis XII. Hearing that his old friend and playfellow was returning to Flanders, Louis wrote

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a most affectionate letter offering her a safe conduct through his dominions. Margaret was now twenty years old, but in spite of her youth she had seen much sorrow. Twice through a cruel fate she had missed the proud position of queen--first of France, then of Spain. For the second time she returned to her father without husband or child; but sorrow had deepened and enriched her character, and the time she spent at the Castilian Court was not wasted, as it gave her an insight into the management of state affairs and political intrigues, which with her knowledge of Spanish was of infinite importance to her in later life, and helped to form the able politician and wise administrator who, as Governess of the Netherlands, commanded the admiration and respect of the cleverest men in Europe.

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CHAPTER III DUCHESS OF SAVOY

On the 7th of March 1500, between seven and eight o'clock in the evening, a brilliant procession wound its way through a covered passage from the Archducal Palace in the old town of Ghent to the church of Saint John. The line of route was lit by more than

a thousand torches which flashed on the gorgeous clothes and jewels of the princes and high officers of state who had come to

grace the baptism of the infant son of the Archduke Philip and Joanna of Castile. The baby's step-great-grandmother, Margaret

of York, widow of Charles the Bold, carried him in her arms, seated on a chair covered with brocade, and borne on the shoulders of four men from the palace to the church; at her right walked Margaret, Princess of Castile, the infant's other godmother, dressed in a mourning hood and mantle. She had come to her brother's Court two days before to stand sponsor for her nephew, who had been born in the palace at Ghent on February the 24th. The little prince, wrapped in a cloak of rich brocade lined with ermine, was baptized by the name of Charles, in memory of his great-grandfather the last Duke of Burgundy, his father conferring upon him

the title of Duke of Luxembourg. After the ceremony, which was performed by the Archbishop of Tournay, trumpets sounded, and money 33 was thrown broadcast about the church, whilst the heralds cried 'Largesse, largesse!' The procession then reformed and returned to the palace in the order in which it came, arriving between eleven and twelve at night. A visit was immediately paid to

the Archduchess Joanna, who was informed that her son had been duly baptized. She received the congratulations of the assembled guests lying in her state-bed, which was hung with green damask and covered with a gorgeous quilt of brocade. Near at hand

were displayed the beautiful presents the infant had received. Gold and crystal cups, flagons, goblets, and salt-cellars sparkling with

precious stones and pearls, amongst them his Aunt Margaret's gift, 'a standing cup of gold with cover weighing four marks, set with precious stones, a great balass ruby on top, surrounded by twenty smaller rubies and diamonds.'[16]

GHENT, SHEWING THE OLD BELFRY, AND CHURCH OF ST. JOHN, WHERE CHARLES V WAS BAPTISED

View larger image

The old town of Ghent held high festival in honour of the birth of the heir of Austria and Burgundy. The dragon on the belfry ejected Greek fire from mouth and tail; torches and paper lanterns swung gaily from the tower of Saint Nicholas to the belfry, and the object of all this rejoicing was the infant who was one day to become the Emperor Charles V. by a long train of events which opened the way to his inheritance of more extensive dominions than any European sovereign since Charlemagne had possessed,

each of his ancestors having acquired kingdoms or provinces towards which their prospect of succession was extremely remote. But his early childhood was clouded, for he hardly knew his parents, who left the Netherlands for Spain in November 1501, barely nine months after his birth. When his mother returned in 1504 her mind was already troubled by the 34 gloom which settled on her in later years. After Queen Isabella's death his parents again left for Spain to take possession of their kingdom of Castile (April 1506), and Charles did not see his mother until 1517. But if he never knew a mother's care, he had an admirable substitute in the affection and guidance of his aunt.

Margaret spent two years with her father after she left Spain, during which time she studied the management of German affairs, and tried to forget her sorrow in improving her mind and cultivating her many gifts. Her high birth, beauty, and accomplishments brought her many suitors amongst the princes of Europe; we hear of her marriage being discussed with the Kings of Poland and Scotland, and even with the Prince of Wales, who was not yet united to his long-betrothed bride Katharine. Finally her choice fell upon the young Duke of Savoy, who had previously married Louisa Jolenta, daughter of Amadeus VIII., Duke of Savoy, but who had no children. The young Duke Philibert II., surnamed the Handsome, was born in the castle of Pont d'Ain on the 10th of April

1480; he was therefore about the same age as Margaret. His youth had been spent at the Court of France, and at fourteen he had accompanied the expedition of Charles VIII. against the kingdom of Naples. The following year, which was that of his accession to the dukedom, he had taken part in the war waged by the Emperor Maximilian against the Florentines. Tall, strong, courageous,

extremely good-looking, an accomplished rider, devoted to horses, hunting, jousting and feats of arms, he was indeed a gallant young

17

prince, well fitted to win the heart of a beautiful and accomplished princess. Politically this alliance was popular 35 in Savoy, where it

was feared that a too close connection with France might impair the independence of the duchy.

On the 26th of September 1501 the marriage contract was signed at Brussels. The Archduke Philip settled 300,000 golden crowns on his sister as dowry. She also enjoyed a revenue of 20,000 as Dowager-Princess of Spain. It was agreed that if the Duke Philibert should predecease his wife she should receive a dowry of 12,000 golden crowns, raised on the county of Romont and the provinces of Vaud and Faucigny.

Margaret left Brussels towards the end of October to join her future husband at Geneva. She travelled slowly, for the roads were bad and the days short. Margaret of York accompanied her for half a league and then took leave; her brother Philip going with her a short way, he left her a company of Flemish nobles to escort her as far as Geneva at his expense, Duke Philibert having sent two hundred and fifty knights to meet his bride and act as her bodyguard.

The inhabitants of the towns she passed through turned out to give her a hearty welcome and to wish her good luck. They offered her gifts of wine and venison, wild boars, partridges, rabbits, and fatted calves. The Bishop of Troyes gave her the keys of his cellar whilst she stayed in the episcopal town. At Dole the inhabitants made her a present of 'six puncheons of wine, six sheep, six calves, six dozen capons, six wild geese, and twelve horses laden with oats.'

The duke's natural brother Rene, who was known as the Bastard of Savoy, married her by proxy on Sunday, November 28th. He presented the bride with a heart of diamonds surmounted by a very fine pearl, 36 and a girdle set with twenty-six diamonds, ten large carbuncles and pearls (marguerites) without number. When the evening came, Margaret, dressed in cloth of gold, lined with crimson satin, and wearing splendid jewels, was laid on a state-bed, whilst Rene in complete armour went through the ceremony of placing himself beside her, 'all those who had been at the betrothal being present.' After a few moments he rose from the bed, begging mad-ame's pardon for having interrupted her sleep, and asking for a kiss in payment. The kiss was graciously given, and Rene, throwing himself on his knees, swore to be always her faithful servant. Margaret made him rise, wished him a good-night, and presented him with a valuable diamond set in a gold ring.[17]

From Dole Margaret travelled to Romain-Motier, a small village about two miles from Geneva, and buried in a lonely valley. The ruined cloisters of the old abbey of black monks may still be seen where Philibert met Margaret one winter's morning, and where the marriage was celebrated by Louis de Gorrevod, Bishop of Maurienne, on the 4th of December 1501.

A brilliant reception awaited the young couple at Geneva. Magnificent fetes, jousts, and tourneys were given in their honour, which

'cost the town a great deal in games, dances, masquerades, and other amusements.' Together they made a triumphal progress through the principal towns to the duchy of Savoy during the spring and summer. At Chambery they received a royal welcome. At Bourg the inhabitants greeted the bridal pair with enthusiasm, although the humble burghers had been much perturbed as to how they should do honour to an emperor's daughter.

37 They had just bought fifty thousand bricks wherewith to erect fortifications, and this expense had emptied the municipal coffers. After much consultation they decided to borrow seven hundred florins from the priests of Our Lady of Bourg. These ecclesiastics lent the sum required on receiving authority to reimburse themselves from the revenues of the town. A deputation was sent to meet the duke and duchess and to offer them and the Governor of Bresse four dozen Clon cheeses, four puncheons of foreign wine, and twelve pots of preserves. The following detailed account of their reception is to be found in the archives of the town of Bourg:--

'At last the long-looked-for day came, and the duke and duchess arrived at Bourg on the 5th of August 1502. From early dawn the bells of the monasteries and churches were ringing, guns firing, and a stir of general excitement was in the air. The picturesque wooden houses were hung with coloured tapestries, decorated with five hundred escutcheons bearing the arms of Savoy and Burgundy. Eight platforms had been constructed in different parts of the town on which were to be enacted masques and allegories. At the sound of the trumpet the crowd collected in front of the town-hall, from whence issued the municipal body, preceded by the syndics in red robes, one of them bearing the town keys on a silver salver. The procession marched with trumpets blowing to the market-place, when soon after a warlike fanfare and the neighing of horses announced the arrival of the ducal cortege, headed by Philibert and Margaret. The sight of the young couple evoked shouts and cheers. Margaret, wearing the ducal crown, was mounted on a palfrey, covered with a rich drapery, embroidered with the arms of Burgundy, 38 and with nodding white plumes on its head. Through a veil of silver tissue her sweet face appeared framed in long tresses of fair hair. A close-fitting dress of crimson velvet stitched with gold, bordered with the embossed arms of Austria and Savoy, set off her graceful figure. With one hand she held the reins of her horse, with the other she saluted the crowd, whilst at her right on a fiery charger rode the handsome Philibert, delighted with the enthusiasm which burst forth at the progress of his lovely wife.

'The syndics, kneeling on one knee, presented the duke and duchess with the keys of the town. John Palluat, head of the munici-

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pality, made a lengthy speech according to the fashion of the time, full of whimsical expressions, puns and witticisms, comparing

Princess Margaret's qualities with those of the flower that bore her name.

'Having entered the town the ducal procession alighted, and two gentlemen--Geoffroy Guillot and Thomas Bergier--advanced towards the princess: the former had been chosen by the council to explain the mysteries, moralities, and allegories; the latter to hold a small canopy over the princess's head. At the market gate on a large platform a huge elephant was seen carrying a tower. This tower, emblem of the town, had four turrets, in each of which was a young girl typifying one of the four attributes of the capital of Bresse. These attributes were goodness, obedience, reason, and justice. After listening to verses sung in her praise by the four attributes, the princess, still preceded by Geoffroy Guillot, arrived at the market-place, where on another platform was represented the invocation

of Saint Margaret, virgin and martyr. The saint with a halo, treading an enormous dragon under foot, was smiling at Margaret. She held her 39 right hand over her as a sign of her protection in this world, and with her left pointed to the sky and the eternal throne that God had prepared for her. A group of angels sang a hymn about heaven envying earth the possession of Margaret; whilst the priests of Notre-Dame and the preaching friars enacted the legend of Saint George and the Archangel Michael on the platforms before their church.

'Further on, before the Maison de Challes, the exploits of gods and heroes of mythology were shown. Two persons, one wrapped in a lion's skin and carrying on his shoulder an enormous club of cardboard, the other in a helmet and draped in a red tunic, were supposed to represent the departure of Hercules and Jason to conquer the Golden Fleece. At the other end of the theatre Medea, dressed in a silk robe, gave vent to the fury she felt at her adventurous husband's indifference.

'Before the fountain of the town the crowd was so dense that the guard and Geoffroy Guillot found it difficult to force a passage for the duchess. There the monks of Scillon had arranged a curious fountain in the shape of a gigantic maiden from whose breasts of tinted metal two jets of wine flowed into a large basin; her body held a puncheon of wine which was cleverly replaced when ex-

hausted. Finally, in front of the entrance to the ducal palace, Margaret witnessed the conquest of the Golden Fleece. Before carrying off this precious spoil Hercules and Jason had to fight a multitude of monsters, dragons and buffaloes, which were disposed of with their club and sword. The crowd having loudly cheered this curious exhibition, the duke and duchess entered the castle situated in

the highest part of the city.

'The syndics in the name of the town then presented 40 the gift they had prepared for the duchess, a gold medal weighing one hundred and fifty ducats. This medal, struck at Bourg, showed on the obverse the effigy of the duke and duchess on a field strewn with fleurs-de-lys and love-knots, with this inscription:--

PHILIBERTUS DUX SABAUDIAE, VIIIUS. MARGARITA MAXI., AUG. FI. D. SAB.

On the reverse was a shield with the arms of Savoy and Austria impaled, surmounted by a large love-knot and surrounded with this inscription:--

GLORIA IN ALTISSIMIS DEO, ET IN TERRA PAX HOMINIBUS. BURGUS.

Thus ended the town of Bourg's splendid reception of their young duke and duchess.'[18]

MEDAL STRUCK AT BOURG

TO COMMEMORATE MARGARET OF AUSTRIA'S MARRIAGE WITH PHILIBERT, DUKE OF SAVOY View larger image

Philibert and Margaret continued their tour of the duchy, and returned to Bourg in April 1503, when they took up their residence at the castle of Pont d'Ain, where the happiest years of Margaret's short married life were passed.

From this favourite castle of the Dukes of Savoy on the river Ain, there is a splendid view of the undulating country, distant hills and forests, which in the days of Philibert were well stocked with game. It would be hard to find a more beautiful spot, and it is no wonder that Margaret loved it and spent most of her time there.

When Philibert succeeded to the dukedom after his father's death, his first act had been to give an appanage to his natural brother

Rene. He bestowed upon him the county of Villars, the castle of Apremont, and the Seignory of Gourdans. This brother, who was

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known as the Bastard of Savoy, was of an 41 ambitious and grasping nature. Knowing that Philibert hated business and preferred spending his time in hunting and warlike sports, Rene worked on his indolence until he practically had the management of the duchy in his own hands. He persuaded Philibert to grant him an act of legitimacy and also to give him the title of Lieutenant-General of

the States of Savoy. When Louis XII. wished to pass through the duchy to reach Milan he communicated with Rene. The French monarch made him many promises, which were mentioned in the treaty concluded at Chateau-Renard with the Cardinal d'Amboise. Duke Philibert, in virtue of this treaty, allowed the passage of the French troops, received Louis XII. at Turin, displayed an extraor-

dinary magnificence, and even accompanied the king to Milan with two hundred men-at-arms. In return for his civility Louis granted

him an annual pension of 20,000 golden crowns from the revenues of this duchy.

Rene's influence over his half-brother was put to a hard test when Margaret became Philibert's wife. The young couple truly loved each other, but the princess could not brook this divided authority. She did all in her power to get rid of Rene, whom she heartily disliked. The struggle was keen but decisive. Margaret made use of her father's authority, who as the Duke of Savoy's suzerain nulli-fied the deed of Rene's legitimisation. She also had recourse to religious intervention to accuse him of extortion. At her instigation Friar Malet, the Court preacher, drew a picture of the people's misery and sufferings in a sermon. Addressing Philibert, he exhorted him to 'drive out the thieves who were in his household, who,' he said, 'were leeches sucking the blood of his unhappy subjects.' Rene was not long in perceiving 42 that his credit at the Court of Savoy was gone. He came to his brother and asked permission to retire to his property. 'I wish,' Philibert answered, 'that you would not only retire from my Court, but also from my State, and that within two days on pain of death.' Rene took refuge at the Court of France, but even there Margaret's dislike followed him, and all his goods were confiscated after a mock trial.

Philibert had only changed his Prime Minister. After Rene's departure Margaret took up the reins of government and ruled Savoy and Bresse unhindered. She obtained many privileges from her father, amongst others the temporal jurisdiction over all the bishoprics of Savoy, Piedmont, Bugey, and the provinces of Geneva and Vaud. This concession extended Savoy's right of sovereignty over all lands east of the river Saone, which is still called locally 'the side of the Empire.'

In April 1503 the Archduke Philip paid his sister a visit at Bourg on his return from Spain, where he had been to take possession of the crown of Castile, which through the death of Queen Isabella had descended to his wife Joanna. A grand tournament was held on the Place des Lices in honour of his visit. Philip was then escorted by his sister and her husband to the castle of Pont d'Ain, where fresh festivities were prepared. The nobility of Bresse and Bugey flocked there to welcome the royal guests, and there is even

a tradition that the 'Holy Shroud,' usually kept at Turin, and which had long been in the possession of the House of Savoy, was there exposed for the archduke's veneration.

During the next few years the peace of Europe was unbroken, and Philibert was unable to satisfy his warlike inclinations. His exu-berant spirits found an 43 outlet in hunting, jousts, and tournaments. He loved splendid armour, gorgeous apparel, and brilliant fetes. A contemporary chronicler has left an account of the entertainments given by the Court of Savoy in 1504 on the occasion of the marriage of Laurent de Gorrevod (who later became Governor of Bresse and Count of Pont-de-Vaux) with the daughter of Hugues de la Pallu, Count of Varax, Marshal of Savoy. All the nobility of Piedmont and Savoy were assembled at the castle of Carignan on the 18th of February, Shrove Tuesday, where a tournament took place in the presence of Philibert, 'Madam Margaret of Austria, Madame Blanche, Dowager of Savoy, and many other young and beautiful ladies, as much to pass the time as to please the ladies.'

A long and wearisome description of the tournament is given, in which Philibert and his brother Charles carried off several prizes. Such were the duke's favourite pastimes, whether at Turin, Carignan, or at Bourg, where the lists were opened under the castle walls.

Philibert had inherited his passion for hunting from a long line of ancestors who were all devoted to this sport. The castle of Pont d'Ain, standing high on a hill overlooking Bresse and Bugey, with the river Ain flowing at its feet well stocked with fish, and its plains and vast forests abounding with game, was an ideal home for a sportsman like Philibert. Here he and Margaret enjoyed the pleas-

ures of a country life. Accompanied by their nobles and friends the duke and duchess often started at dawn of day on their hunting excursions, returning with the last rays of the evening sun. We are told by Jean le Maire that one day Margaret had an accident which might have proved very serious. When she and her husband were hunting 44 in the fields near the town of Quier in Piedmont, the powerful horse on which she was mounted became quite unmanageable, and kicking and plunging, threw her violently to the ground. She fell under its feet, the iron-shod hoofs trampling on her dress, disarranging her hair, and breaking a thick golden chain which hung from her neck. All those who witnessed the accident were paralysed with terror, believing the duchess could not escape alive, and recalling a similar accident in which her mother, Mary of Burgundy, had lost her life. But Margaret had a miraculous escape, and got up without any harm beyond a severe shaking.

One morning, early in September 1504, Philibert went out hunting, leaving Margaret at Pont d'Ain, and though the weather was extremely hot, followed a wild boar for several hours. All his followers were left behind, and his horses having succumbed to the heat and hard riding, he descended a narrow valley about midday on foot, and at last arrived breathless and bathed in perspiration at Saint

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Vulbas' fountain. Delighted with the freshness of the spot, he ordered his meal to be served in a shady grove; but before long he was seized with a sudden chill, and pressing his hand to his side in great pain, mounted a horse which was brought to him, and with difficulty rode back to Pont d'Ain, his nobles and huntsmen sadly following. On arriving at the castle the duke threw himself heavily on a bed, and Margaret was immediately summoned. She tried by all means in her power to relieve him, sending in great haste for the doctors. When they came she gave them her precious pearls to grind to powder, and watched them make an elixir with these jewels which she hoped would save the duke's life. 45 She made many vows, and sent offerings to distant shrines, invoking the help of heaven by her prayers. But Philibert was seized with pleurisy; his vigorous constitution resisted the violence of the attack for some days. The physicians bled him, but all their doctoring was in vain, and soon they had to confess that they could do nothing more.

'He himself feeling his end approaching got up, and wished to go and say an eternal farewell to his very dear companion, embracing her closely. After having asked for the last sacraments, and by many acts of faith and devotion shown his love for the holy Christian faith, Duke Philibert expired in Margaret's arms on the 10th of September 1504, at nine o'clock in the morning, in the twenty-fourth year of his age, in the same room in the castle of Pont d'Ain where he had first seen the light.' Margaret's grief was heart-rending: we are told that her sobs and cries echoed through the castle. The whole duchy of Savoy mourned with her for the gallant young prince, so suddenly cut off in the flower of his age.

TOMB OF PHILIBERT LE BEAU, DUKE OF SAVOY, IN THE CHURCH OF BROU

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The duke's body was embalmed, and attired in ducal robes, with the rich insignia of his rank, laid on a state-bed in a spacious chamber, where a crowd of his subjects came to gaze their last on their young lord. The body was then placed in a leaden coffin on which the deceased's titles were engraved, and his funeral carried out with much pomp. The magistrates of Bourg had a hundred torches made bearing the arms of the town; they were carried by burghers who went to escort the body from the castle of Pont d'Ain to the church of Notre-Dame, though Margaret wished her husband to be laid in the priory church of Brou, near his mother, Margaret of Bourbon's tomb.

46 In 1480 Philibert's father, whilst hunting near the same spot, where later his son contracted his fatal illness, had fallen from his horse and broken his arm. He also was carried to Pont d'Ain, and his life was in danger. His wife, Margaret of Bourbon, then made a vow that if her husband's life was spared she would found a monastery of the order of Saint Benedict at Brou. The duke recovered, but the duchess died in 1483 before she fulfilled the vow, the accomplishment of which she bequeathed to her son Philibert, whose early death also prevented him from carrying out his mother's wishes. Margaret now took upon herself the duty of founding the monastery, and also of erecting for them both, and, above all, for him whom she loved, 'a great tomb which should be their nuptial couch,' where she herself would be laid to rest when her time should come.

Stricken with grief, a childless widow, deprived for the second time of the husband she loved, at the age of twenty-four she felt as though all joy in life had ended, and 'immediately after her husband's death she cut off her beautiful golden hair, and had the same done to her own ladies.'[19]

Margaret passed some years of her widowhood at the castle of Pont d'Ain, where several traces of her sojourn remain. She made some additions to the building; the principal staircase still bears her name. Here she lived in seclusion, mourning her lot, and describ-ing her loneliness and sorrow in prose and in verse. In spite of the imperfections of a free versification Margaret's poems show a certain harmony, smoothness, and charm in the informal stanzas, of which the following is a good specimen:--

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I

'O devots cueurs, amans d'amour fervente, Considerez si j'ay este dolente,

Que c'est raison! je suis la seule mere

Qui ay perdu son seul fils et son pere,

Et son amy par amour excellente!

Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunee[20] D'estre si fortunee!

Qu'est longue fault[21] de ce qu'on ayme bien! Et je suis sceure que pas de luy ne vient,

Mais me procede de ma grant destinee! Dites-vous donc que je suis egaree

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Quant je me vois separee de mon bien? Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunee!

Qu'est longue fault de ce qu'on ayme bien! Mais que de luy je ne soye oubliee!!!

II

Deuil et ennuy, soussy, regret et peine, Ont eslongue ma plaisance mondaine,

Dont a part moy je me plains et tourmente, Et en espoir n'ay plus un brin d'attente: Veez la comment Fortune me pourmeine.

Ceste longheur vault pis que mort soudaine; Je n'ay pensee que joye me rameine;

Ma fantaisie est de deplaisir pleine;

Car devant moy a toute heure se presente

Deuil et ennuy. III

Plusieurs regrets qui sur la terre sont,

Et les douleurs que hommes et femmes ont, N'est que plaisir envers ceulx que je porte, Me tourmentant de la piteuse sorte

Que mes esprits ne savent plus qu'ils sont. Cueurs desoles par toutes nations,

Deuil assemblez et lamentations; Plus ne querez l'harmonieuse lyre,

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Lyesse, esbats et consolations;

Laissez aller plaintes, pleurs, passions,

Et m'aidez tous a croistre mon martyre, Cueurs desoles!

IV

Aisn vous plonges en desolation, Venez a moy!...

Le noble et bon dont on ne peult mal dire, Le soutenant de tous sans contredire,

Est mort, helas! quel malediction! Cueurs desoles!

V

Me faudra-t-il toujours ainsi languir?

Me faudra-t-il enfin ainsi morir?

Nul n'aura-t-il de mon mal coignoissance? Trop a dure; car c'est des mon enfance!

Je prie a Dieu qu'il me doint temperance, Mestier en ay: je le prens sur ma foi;

Car mon seul bien est souvent pres de moy, Mais pour les gens fault faire contenance! Pourquoy coucher seulette et a part moy, Qu'il me faudra user de pacience!

Las! c'est pour moi trop grande penitence; Certes ouy, et plus quant ne le voy!'

These verses, and many others, were written at Bourg, or at the castle of Pont d'Ain. This castle, built towards the end of the tenth century by the Sires de Coligny, Lords of Revermont, had passed through marriage to the Dauphins du Viennois in 1225, and in

1285 to the Duke of Burgundy. In 1289 this duke exchanged it, as well as the lordship of Revermont, with Ame IV., Count of Savoy, who was Seigneur of Bresse in right of his wife, Sybille de Bauge. The buildings having been much damaged in the wars, Ame's son, Aimon, rebuilt them. The last warlike episode in the history of the castle 49 occurred in 1325 when Edward, Count of Savoy, came

to take refuge in the fortress after his defeat near Varey. The pleasant situation of the castle at the extremity of the chain of Revermont, its proximity to France, and equable climate made it the favourite home of the Dukes of Savoy. Below in the valley, which extends to the Rhone, the waters of the river Ain join those of the Suran. To the south and east are the mountain ranges near Bas Bugey, with wooded slopes and prosperous villages, to the north and west the undulating plain of Bresse, crowned by forests. The

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Princesses of Savoy loved this spot. Amedeo VIII. lived here for a long time with his wife Yolande of France. Philibert and his sister Louise (the mother of Francis I.) were born here, and here their mother, Margaret of Bourbon, came to spend her last days. In this peaceful spot Margaret passed the first years of her mourning, attached to Bresse by memories of her love and sorrow.

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CHAPTER IV

THE BUILDING OF BROU

Besides her many poems Margaret has perpetuated the memory of the chief phases in her life by means of devices, a symbolical language much in vogue in the Middle Ages.

When she returned to Flanders, after her first marriage with Charles VIII. was annulled, the device she chose was a high mountain with a hurricane raging round the summit, and underneath, 'Perflant altissima venti.' This device ingeniously expressed the idea that those in a high position are more exposed than others to the winds of adversity. After the death of Prince John of Castile and her child, Margaret adopted another device, a tree laden with fruit, struck in half by lightning, with this inscription, 'Spoliat mors munera nostra.' This device is attributed to Strada.

Lastly, as the widow of Duke Philibert, she composed the famous motto which we find reproduced everywhere on the tombs, walls,

woodwork, and stained-glass windows of the church at Brou: FORTUNE.INFORTUNE.FORT.UNE.

And this was her last motto, which she kept to the end. This enigmatical inscription has been variously interpreted. Cornelius Agrippa, her panegyrist, and Gropheus, Chevalier d'Honneur to the princess, who composed a Latin poem in her praise in 1532, saw

51 no other meaning in this device than the resume of her life ... a plaything of fortune; and they explain the word 'infortune' by the third person of the present indicative of the verb 'infortuner,' Fortuna Infortunat Fortiter Unam--'La fortune infortune (tries, persecutes) fort une femme.' Guichenon adopts this version and says the princess composed her device 'to show that she had been much persecuted by fortune, having been repudiated by Charles VIII., and having lost both her husbands, the Prince of Castile, and the Duke of Savoy. This,' he adds, 'is the true meaning of this device, although another interpretation has been given to it: Fortune

Infortune Fortune. Fortune to have been affianced to the King of France, misfortune to have been repudiated by him, and fortune

to have married the Duke of Savoy; but this explanation does not agree with the device.' In fact, it is not admissible, for it supposes the device to be composed of three words only, whilst on the marble it is clearly composed of four:

FORTUNE.INFORTUNE.FORT.UNE.

The small church of the monastery of Brou, founded in the beginning of the tenth century by Saint Gerard, had a great reputation for holiness. It was here the bodies of Philibert and his mother were laid. Margaret's thoughts were constantly occupied with the monument she wished to erect to her husband's memory, the magnificence of which should satisfy her artistic taste. She proposed devoting her dowry to this object in order to raise the necessary funds. Philibert's brother had succeeded to the ducal crown under the title of Charles III., but the state of the duchy's finances made it difficult for him to pay Margaret's dowry, which consisted of

12,000 ecus d'or per annum in French coin, or in lieu of this sum the 52 usufruct of Bresse and the provinces of Vaud and Faucigny. Charles III. on his accession had found the revenues greatly reduced; besides Margaret's dowry, three other dowager-princesses enjoyed the income from a great part of his estates. Blanche de Montferrat, widow of Charles I., had the best part of Piedmont;

Le Bugey was in the hands of Claudine of Brittany, widow of Duke Philip; lastly, Louise of Savoy received the largest portion of

Chablais. This was the state of things when Margaret complained of the insufficiency of the revenues from the properties of Bresse,

Vaud, and Faucigny, revenues far from equivalent to the sum of 12,000 ecus d'or per annum according to the terms of her marriage contract. As Charles remained deaf to her complaints, Margaret had recourse to her father, and travelled to Germany to persuade Maximilian to give her his support. Charles at last agreed to send four jurisconsuls empowered to arrange this business. During the meetings which took place at Strasburg, Margaret explained the motives which made her insist on the fulfilment of the clauses with reference to her dowry. 'Her intention being to found a church and monastery on the site of the Priory of Brou, the resting-place

of the Lady Margaret of Bourbon and Duke Philibert, she must needs collect all her resources to meet the expense which such an endowment would require. She also pointed out that, according to the Lady Margaret of Bourbon's will, the church and monastery were to be erected at the expense of her heirs and successors. Now this charge falling on Duke Charles, he could not conscientiously dispense with carrying out his mother's last wishes, but as she, Margaret, offered to fulfil this task at her own expense, he was ill-advised to dispute with her what was legally her 53 due. Charles III.'s envoys had nothing to say to this argument excepting the state of penury and embarrassment in which their master found himself.'

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At last, on the 5th of May 1505, in the presence of Maximilian, a treaty was signed in the hall of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem at Strasburg, by which Duke Charles granted to Margaret the county of Villars and the Seignory of Gourdans, with all rights of government as well as power of redeeming the mortgaged lands of Bresse to the amount of 1200 florins. After the ratification of this treaty Margaret returned to the castle of Pont-d'Ain and prepared to carry out her plans.

She first called her Council together and explained her intentions. Margaret of Bourbon's vow was to build a church in honour of Saint Benedict, but as this order had already become lax, Margaret wished that the church and monastery should be placed under the protection of St. Nicolas de Tolentin, who had lately been canonised, and was noted for the number of miracles worked by his intercession, and for whom she felt a particular devotion.

The princess's Council, foreseeing the enormous expense which the execution of this plan would involve, tried to dissuade her from it, and endeavoured to turn her mind to completing the church of Notre-Dame de Bourg, which Jean de Loriol was then building.

At the time of the young duke's death they had promised to bring his body to rest in the Abbey of Haute-Combe near the Dukes

of Savoy, his predecessors. But she would not listen to this argument, and replied 'that she had been informed of the vow which the late lord and lady, her husband's parents, had made to found a monastery of the order of St. Augustine on the site of Brou, but the

former, 54 after he succeeded, forgot to fulfil it, and neglected the duty of accomplishing his vow, and that it had pleased God to

take her lord and husband in his youth in such a way that he had not leisure nor time to fulfil his father and mother's vow, but that

she, with the help of God, would do so.'[22]

The series of objections from the Council, and Margaret's firm determination, are still more apparent in the following quaint dialogue recorded by a witness in Paradin's Chronique de Savoie:--'When several prominent people pointed out that as she was the daughter of a great Emperor, and had been Queen of France, and had since married so great and famous a Prince, she would be put to heavy and intolerable expense in order to accomplish something worthy of her greatness, she replied that God would take care

of the expense. They, moreover, said to her: "Madame, possibly you regret that the body of Madame, his mother, is buried in this

little place of Brou; a dispensation could easily be procured from the Pope to carry it elsewhere"; she answered, no dispensation was needed for a thing one could do oneself; they also put before her that after she had done what she intended, if a war should break

out in this country, the enemy could retire and quarter themselves there, and from thence fight the town, which in the end would

mean the destruction of the monastery. Margaret replied: "The power of princes is nowadays so greatly increased by artillery that should Bourg be besieged there would be no need to wait for the attack." They then pointed out that in the church of Notre-Dame de Bourg there was a very fine beginning, and that if it pleased her to employ what she wished to spend on this monastery, 55 she would have the prayers of ten million people, for every one in Bourg goes once a day to pray in the said church of Notre-Dame. To that my said lady replied, shedding big tears: "You say truly, and it is my greatest regret, but if I did as you say, the vow would not be accomplished which by the help of God I shall fulfil." These are the objections that were made, and the replies which she gave when they tried to persuade her to give up this enterprise.' Margaret had already had the plans and estimates drawn up for the church and monastery of Brou, with the help of Laurent de Gorrevod, Governor of Bresse. The estimate was given to the workmen in the early spring of 1505, and the first stone of the sanctuary laid by the princess herself in the spring of the following year.

On the 11th February 1503 Henry VII. had lost his queen, Elizabeth of York, who died in the Tower of London, a week after giving birth to her seventh child. She had been a good and submissive wife to Henry, whose claim to the throne she had strengthened by

her own greater right. The bereaved husband retired 'heavy and dolorous' to a solitary place to pass his sorrow, but before many weeks were over he and his crony De Puebla put their heads together and agreed that the king must marry again. Amongst other alliances the widowed Queen of Naples was suggested, but the lady decidedly objected to the marriage. In November 1504 Queen Isabella of Castile died, and the crown descended to her weak-minded daughter Joanna. A struggle was seen to be impending for the regency, and Henry was courted by both sides in the dispute. He had taken as his motto 'Qui je defends est maitre,' and both Ferdinand, King of Spain, and the Emperor 56 Maximilian were anxious to win him to their side. Margaret was secretly offered to Henry as a bride by Philip and Maximilian, and a close alliance between them proposed. Margaret, with her large dowries from Castile and Savoy, was now one of the richest princesses in Europe. Whilst Ferdinand was trying to ingratiate himself with Henry, it was clear

to the astute King of England that he had now more to hope for from Philip and Maximilian, who were friendly with France, than from Ferdinand.[23]

Early in August 1505 De Puebla went to Richmond to see the Princess of Wales, and as he entered the palace one of the household told him that an ambassador had just arrived from the Archduke Philip, King of Castile, and was waiting for an audience. De Puebla at once conveyed the news to Katharine, and served as interpreter between the ambassador and the princess. After delivering greet-ings from the Emperor Maximilian, the Archduke Philip, and the Duchess of Savoy, the ambassador said his mission was a secret one to settle with the King of England about his marriage with the Duchess of Savoy, of whom he had brought two portraits. The Princess of Wales wished to see them, and the ambassador went to fetch them. One was painted on wood, the other on canvas. The princess was of opinion that Michel would have made better portraits. She asked the ambassador when the King-Archduke and the

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Queen-Archduchess were to leave for Spain. The ambassador replied as soon as possible, but that he had come to consult the King of England as to all arrangements.'[24]

57 On the 7th January 1506, after having presided at the Chapter of the Golden Fleece in the old Abbey of Middlebourg, the Archduke Philip, King of Castile, set out from Zealand with his wife, Queen Joanna, their second son, Ferdinand, an infant of a few months old, and a retinue amounting to two or three thousand persons. They embarked (January 8th) on board a splendid and numerous armada composed of more than twenty-four vessels, intending to go to Spain. All went well until the Cornish coast was passed, and then a dead calm fell, followed by a furious south-westerly gale, which scattered the ships, and left that on which Philip and Joanna were without any escort. A gale which lasted thirty-six hours dispersed the fleet. Despair seized the crew, and all gave themselves up for lost. Philip's attendants dressed him in an inflated leather garment, upon the back of which was painted in large

letters 'the king, Don Philip,' and thus arrayed he knelt before a blessed image in prayer, alternating with groans, expecting every mo-ment would be his last. Joanna is represented by one contemporary authority as being seated on the ground between her husband's knees, saying that if they went down she would cling so closely to him that they should never be separated in death, as they had not been in life. The Spanish witnesses are loud in her praise in this danger. 'The queen,' they say, 'showed no signs of fear, and asked them to bring her a box with something to eat. As some of the gentlemen were collecting votive gifts to the Virgin of Guadalupe, they passed the bag to the queen, who, taking out 58 her purse containing about a hundred doubloons, hunted amongst them until she found the only half-doubloon there, showing thus how cool she was in the danger. A king never was drowned yet, so she was not afraid, she said.'[25]

Sandoval also mentions that Joanna displayed much composure during the storm. When informed by Philip of their danger, she attired herself in her richest dress, securing a considerable amount of money to her person, in order that her body, if found, might be recognised, and receive the obsequies suited to her rank.