The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919

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Various. The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919

The Journal of Negro History. Vol. IV—January, 1919—No. 1

PRIMITIVE LAW AND THE NEGRO

LINCOLN'S PLAN FOR COLONIZING THE EMANCIPATED NEGROES1

LEMUEL HAYNES

THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF CANADA

DOCUMENTS

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND FREEDOM

ON THE SLAVE TRADE

THE PROCEEDINGS OF A MISSISSIPPI MIGRATION CONVENTION IN 187967

HOW THE NEGROES WERE DUPED68

REMARKS ON THIS EXODUS BY FREDERICK DOUGLASS69

THE SENATE REPORT ON THE EXODUS OF 1879

SOME UNDISTINGUISHED NEGROES

BOOK REVIEWS

NOTES

The Journal of Negro History. Vol. IV—April, 1919—No. 2

THE CONFLICT AND FUSION OF CULTURES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE NEGRO79

THE COMPANY OF ROYAL ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND TRADING INTO AFRICA, 1660-1672

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

CHAPTER III

CHAPTER IV

BOOK REVIEWS

NOTES

The Journal of Negro History. Vol. IV—July, 1919—No. 3

THE EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES AS SOLDIERS IN THE CONFEDERATE ARMY

THE LEGAL STATUS OF FREE NEGROES AND SLAVES IN TENNESSEE

NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY IN OUR SCHOOLS

GRÉGOIRE'S SKETCH OF ANGELO SOLIMANN

DOCUMENTS. LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918566

BOOK REVIEWS

NOTES

The Journal of Negro History. Vol. IV—October, 1919—No. 4

LABOR CONDITIONS IN JAMAICA PRIOR TO 1917

THE LIFE OF CHARLES B. RAY

THE SLAVE IN UPPER CANADA580

DOCUMENTS. NOTES ON SLAVERY IN CANADA622

ADDITIONAL LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918623

BOOK REVIEWS

NOTES

PROCEEDINGS OF THE SECOND BIENNIAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY

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The psychology of large bodies of men is a surprisingly difficult topic and it is often true that we are inclined to seek the explanation of phenomena in too recent a period of human development. The truth seems to be that ideas prevail longer than customs, habits of dress or the ordinary economic processes of the community, and the ideas are the controlling factors. The attitude of the white man in this country toward the Negro is the fact perhaps of most consequence in the Negro problem. Why is it that still there lingers a certain unwillingness, one can hardly say more, in the minds of the best people to accept literally the platform of the Civil War? Why were the East St. Louis riots possible? I am afraid that a good many of the Negro race feel that there is a distinct personal prejudice or antipathy which can be reached or ought to be reached by logic, by reason, by an appeal to the principles of Christianity and of democracy. For myself I have always felt that if the premises of Christianity were valid at all, they placed the Negro upon precisely the same plane as the white man; that if the premises of democracy were true for the white man, they were true for the black. There should be no artificial distinction created by law, and what is much more to the purpose, by custom simply because the one man has a skin different in hue than the other. Nor should the law, once having been made equal, be nullified by a lack of observance on the part of the whites nor be abrogated by tacit agreements or by further legislation subtly worded so as to avoid constitutional requirements. Each man and woman should be tested by his qualities and achievements and valued for what he is. I am sure no Negro asks for more, and yet I am afraid it is true, as many have complained, that in considerable sections of this country he receives far less.

I have long believed that we are concerned in this case with no reasoned choice and with no explainable act, but with an unconscious impulse, a subconscious impulse possibly, with an illogical, unreasonable but powerful and in-explainable reaction of which the white man himself is scarcely conscious and yet which he feels to be stronger than all the impulses created in him by reason and logic. What is its origin? Is there such a force? I think most will agree there is such an instinctive aversion or dislike.

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On December 31, 1862, there was signed a contract by which, for a compensation of $50 per head, Kock agreed to colonize 5,000 Negroes, binding himself to furnish the colonies with comfortable homes, garden lots, churches, schools and employ them four years at varying rates. He further agreed to obtain from the Haytian government a guarantee that all such emigrants and their posterity should forever remain free, and in no case be reduced to bondage, slavery or involuntary servitude except for crimes; and they should specially acquire, hold and transmit property and all other privileges of persons common to inhabitants of a country in which they reside. It would be further stipulated that in case of indigence resulting from injury, sickness or age, any such emigrants who should become pauperous should not thereupon be suffered to perish or come to want, but should be supported and cared for as is customary with similar inhabitants of the country in which they should be residents.24

Kock also proposed a scheme to certain capitalists in New York and Boston. This had nothing to do with the contract with the President. He proposed to transport 500 of these emigrants at once, begin work on the plantations, and by the end of the following September—a period of eight or nine months—he estimated that this group could raise a crop of 1,000 bales of cotton. It was planned that the colonists should secure from the island a profit of more than 600 per cent in nine months. Kock estimated his necessary expenses as $70,000, and all expense incurred by freighting ships and collecting immigrants was to be borne by the government. It soon became known to the government that Kock had sought the aid of capitalists and money makers. Suspicion as to the honesty of his purposes was then aroused. It was finally discovered also that he was in league with certain confederates to hand over slaves to him as captured runaways on the condition of receiving a price for their return. Lincoln investigated the matter and discovered that Kock was a mere adventurer and the agreement with him was cancelled.25

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