Liberalism and the Social Problem

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Winston Churchill. Liberalism and the Social Problem

Liberalism and the Social Problem

Table of Contents

PREFACE

INTRODUCTION

I

THE RECORD OF THE GOVERNMENTToC

THE CONCILIATION OF SOUTH AFRICAToC

House of Commons, April 5, 1906

THE TRANSVAAL CONSTITUTIONToC

House of Commons, July 31, 1906

FOOTNOTES:

THE ORANGE FREE STATE CONSTITUTIONToC

House of Commons, December 17, 1906

LIBERALISM AND SOCIALISMToC

St. Andrew's Hall, Glasgow, October 11, 1906

IMPERIAL PREFERENCEToC

I

Imperial Conference,[2] Downing Street, May 7, 1907

IMPERIAL PREFERENCEToC

II

House of Commons, July 15, 1907

FOOTNOTES:

THE HOUSE OF LORDSToC

House of Commons, June 29, 1907

THE DUNDEE ELECTIONToC

Kinnaird Hall, Dundee, May 14, 1908

FOOTNOTES:

II

SOCIAL ORGANISATIONToC

THE SECOND READING OF THE MINES [EIGHT HOURS] BILLToC

House of Commons, July 6, 1908

UNEMPLOYMENTToC

Kinnaird Hall, Dundee, October 10, 1908

THE SOCIAL FIELDToC

Birmingham, January 13, 1909[13]

FOOTNOTES:

THE APPROACHING CONFLICTToC

Nottingham, January 30, 1909

THE SECOND READING OF THE ANTI-SWEATING BILL[14]ToC

House of Commons, April 28, 1909

FOOTNOTES:

LABOUR EXCHANGES AND UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCEToC

House of Commons, May 19, 1909

FOOTNOTES:

III

THE BUDGETToC

THE BUDGET RESOLUTIONSToC

House of Commons, May 4, 1903

THE BUDGET AND NATIONAL INSURANCEToC

The Free Trade Hall, Manchester, May 23, 1909

LAND AND INCOME TAXES IN THE BUDGETToC

Edinburgh, July 17, 1909

THE BUDGET AND THE LORDSToC

Norwich, July 26, 1909

FOOTNOTES:

THE SPIRIT OF THE BUDGETToC

Leicester, September 5, 1909

THE BUDGET AND PROPERTY.ToC

Abernethy, October 7, 1909

THE CONSTITUTIONAL MENACEToC

National Liberal Club, October 9, 1909

Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury

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Winston Churchill

Published by Good Press, 2019

.....

But Mr. Lyttelton's plan did not stop there. Side by side with this basis of voters, he had an artificial franchise of £100 annual value. That is a very much lower qualification in South Africa, than it would be in this country, and I do not think that the franchise which Mr. Lyttelton proposed could be called an undemocratic franchise, albeit that it was an artificial franchise, because it yielded 89,000 voters out of a population of 300,000, and that is a much more fertile franchise, even after making allowance for the abnormal conditions of a new country, than we have in this country or than is the case in some American and European States. So that I do not accuse Mr. Lyttelton of having formulated an undemocratic franchise, but taking these two points together—the unusual basis of distribution with the apparently artificial franchise—acting and reacting, as they must have done, one upon the other—there was sufficient ground to favour the suspicion, at any rate, that something was intended in the nature of a dodge, in the nature of a trick, artificially to depress the balance in one direction and to tilt it in the other.

In dealing with nationalities, nothing is more fatal than a dodge. Wrongs will be forgiven, sufferings and losses will be forgiven or forgotten, battles will be remembered only as they recall the martial virtues of the combatants; but anything like chicane, anything like a trick, will always rankle. The Government are concerned in South Africa not only to do what is fair, but to do what South Africa will accept as fair. They are concerned not merely to choose a balance which will deal evenly between the races, but one which will secure the acceptance of both races.

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