In Our First Year of the War

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Woodrow Wilson. In Our First Year of the War

FOREWORD

I. THE SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

A COSMOPOLITAN EPOCH AT HAND

THE SPIRIT OF CO-OPERATION

OUR NATIONAL PLATFORM

A UNITY OF PURPOSE AND ACTION

II. WE MUST ACCEPT WAR

GERMANY'S RUTHLESS POLICY

GERMAN WARFARE AGAINST MANKIND

BELLIGERENCY THRUST UPON US

WHAT THIS WILL INVOLVE

OUR MOTIVES AND OBJECTS

PEACE THROUGH FREE PEOPLES

A CHALLENGE OF HOSTILE PURPOSE

OPPOSITION TO THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT. FRIENDSHIP TOWARD THE GERMAN PEOPLE

RIGHT MORE PRECIOUS THAN PEACE

III. A STATE OF WAR

IV "SPEAK, ACT AND SERVE TOGETHER"

WHAT WE MUST DO

GREATER EFFICIENCY

THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE FARMERS

THE DUTY OF MIDDLEMEN

THE MEN OF THE RAILWAYS

THE SUPREME TEST

V. THE CONSCRIPTION PROCLAMATION

THE PENALTY FOR FAILURE

THE WORK OF REGISTRATION

NEGLECT OF DUTY AND FRAUD

A CALL TO GOVERNORS

REGISTRATION BY MAIL

THE WHOLE NATION AN ARMY

NOT A DRAFT OF THE UNWILLING

DAY OF PATRIOTIC DEVOTION

VI. CONSERVING THE NATION'S FOOD

A SHARP LINE OF DISTINCTION

THE END TO BE ATTAINED

THE FIXING OF PRICES

NO FEAR OF BUREAUCRACY

VII. AN ANSWER TO CRITICS

VIII. MEMORIAL DAY ADDRESS

A HERITAGE FROM THE DEAD

AMERICA'S FULL FRUITION

IX. A STATEMENT TO RUSSIA

AMERICA SEEKS NO CONQUEST

THE PRINCIPLES THAT ARE INVOLVED

X. FLAG-DAY ADDRESS

WHY WE ARE AT WAR

THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE CONFLICT

THE PLAN OF CONQUEST

THE TALK OF PEACE

THE PRESENT AIM OF GERMANY

THIS IS A PEOPLES' WAR

XI. AN APPEAL TO THE BUSINESS INTERESTS

PATRIOTISM AND PROFITS APART

IS A BRIBE NECESSARY?

HIGH FREIGHTS AID GERMANY

THE LAW TO DEAL WITH OFFENDERS

PRICES MEAN VICTORY OR DEFEAT

XII. REPLY OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE COMMUNICATION OF THE POPE TO THE BELLIGERENT GOVERNMENTS

THE PROPOSAL FROM THE VATICAN

THE TEST THAT MUST BE APPLIED

THE GERMAN RULERS CANNOT BE TRUSTED

XIII. A MESSAGE TO TEACHERS AND SCHOOL OFFICERS

THE COMMON SCHOOL HAS A PART TO PLAY

XIV. WOMAN SUFFRAGE MUST COME NOW

NOW IS THE TIME TO ACT

XV. THE THANKSGIVING DAY PROCLAMATION

XVI. LABOR MUST BEAR ITS PART

GERMANY RESPONSIBLE FOR THE WAR

SUCCESS BY AUTHORITY

THE POLITICAL POWER OF THE WORLD

LABOR MUST BE FREE

AMERICANS MUST CO-OPERATE

BETTER CONDITIONS MAY BE AT HAND

XVII. ADDRESS TO CONGRESS

WHAT WE ARE FIGHTING FOR

THE PEOPLE OF RUSSIA LED ASTRAY

JUSTICE AND REPARATION

OUR ATTITUDE TOWARD GERMANY

THE RIGHTS OF THE CENTRAL POWERS

TRUTH AS THE ANTIDOTE

THE WAR AGAINST AUSTRIA

A STRICTER GRIP ON ENEMY ALIENS

A FURTHER LIMITING OF PRICES

THE WINNING OF THE WAR

XVIII. PROCLAMATION OF WAR AGAINST AUSTRIA-HUNGARY

NEED ONLY OBEY THE LAWS

A FRIENDLY ATTITUDE IS URGED

FEW REGULATIONS

XIX. THE GOVERNMENT TAKES OVER THE RAILROADS

IN FAIRNESS TO THE RAILROADS

INVESTORS TO BE PROTECTED

A RECOGNITION OF FACTS

XX. GOVERNMENT OPERATION OF RAILROADS

NEED OF UNITED DIRECTION

AS LITTLE DISTURBANCE AS POSSIBLE

COMPENSATION SHOULD BE GUARANTEED

SELECTION OF MCADOO AS DIRECTOR

XXI. THE TERMS OF PEACE

SIGNIFICANCE IN PARLEYS

LLOYD GEORGE'S AIMS APPROVED

WOULD LIKE TO AID RUSSIA

THE DEFINITE PROGRAM

BELGIUM MUST BE RESTORED

INDEPENDENCE FOR POLAND

GERMANY'S SPOKESMEN AN ISSUE

APPENDIX

STATE DEPARTMENT'S REVISED LIST OF. NATIONS AT WAR WHICH HAVE. BROKEN RELATIONS. DECLARATIONS OF WAR

SEVERANCE OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS

POPULATION OF THE NATIONS

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My Fellow-citizens,–The four years which have elapsed since last I stood in this place have been crowded with counsel and action of the most vital interest and consequence. Perhaps no equal period in our history has been so fruitful of important reforms in our economic and industrial life or so full of significant changes in the spirit and purpose of our political action. We have sought very thoughtfully to set our house in order, correct the grosser errors and abuses of our industrial life, liberate and quicken the processes of our national genius and energy, and lift our politics to a broader view of the people's essential interests. It is a record of singular variety and singular distinction. But I shall not attempt to review it. It speaks for itself and will be of increasing influence as the years go by. This is not the time for retrospect. It is time, rather, to speak our thoughts and purposes concerning the present and the immediate future.

Although we have centered counsel and action with such unusual concentration and success upon the great problems of domestic legislation to which we addressed ourselves four years ago, other matters have more and more forced themselves upon our attention, matters lying outside our own life as a nation and over which we had no control, but which, despite our wish to keep free of them, have drawn us more and more irresistibly into their own current and influence.

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Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth insure the observance of those principles.

Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances.

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