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THE TRUTH OF THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION

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NATURAL LAW AND ENLIGHTENMENT CLASSICS

Knud Haakonssen

General Editor

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This book is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a foundation established to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals.

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CONTENTS

Introduction

A Note on the Text

Acknowledgments

The Truth of the Christian Religion, with Jean Le Clerc’s Notes and Additions

Authors and Works Cited by Grotius and Le Clerc

Index

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INTRODUCTION

Religion and Politics in the United Provinces

In June 1619 Hugo Grotius was imprisoned at Loevestein Castle, in the south of the United Provinces, sentenced to life imprisonment for treason. For any thirty-six-year-old, this would have been a grim prospect; even more so for one who had been born a member of the governing elite of the United Provinces and had already enjoyed prestige and success. The De Groots (Latinized as Grotius) were a prominent family in the Dutch city of Delft, where Hugo was born on 10 April 1583.

As regents of the city—that is, members of the oligarchy which ruled many Dutch towns, including Delft—the De Groots belonged to the social class at the core of the political, economic, and religious life of the seven northern provinces of the Netherlands that in 1579 had declared their independence from one of the superpowers of the time, the Catholic Spanish monarchy. Protestant, wealthy, and well educated, they had high stakes in the economic and military activities which were at the root of the Dutch golden age of prosperity—the overseas trade carried out by one of the most powerful economic organizations of the early modern period: the private corporation which went under the name of Dutch East India Company.

As a young and virtually unique political entity, the United Provinces in the first decades of Grotius’s life were still settling their form of government. While pondering the expediency of choosing a new monarch, the seven United Provinces assumed the status of a republic and governed themselves through a complex and not altogether clear system in which power was shared between the provincial Statholders (that is, the old royal governors now appointed by the provinces themselves) and the Estates

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(that is, the representative assemblies of the provinces), which in turn sent delegates to an Estates General of the Union at The Hague.

Inevitably, perhaps, a power struggle simmered under the brittle surface of the recently created union between forces favoring a more centralized form of government and the monarchical element of the United Provinces constitution on the one side, and forces favoring the autonomy of the provinces and the republican element on the other. This tension was compounded by economic and religious differences in the provinces, and by the fact that most of them had chosen the same Statholder, namely the Prince of Orange, effectively making of him almost a king in pectore.

These diverse forces had been bound together in their struggle to overthrow their Catholic ruler not least by their common desire to win the freedom necessary to practice their Protestant religion undisturbed. But the protestantism in question was by no means a seamless fabric, and these varying strands of religious allegiance soon became inextricably interwoven with economic and political interests. Indeed, the most important proximate cause of the appeals by Grotius (and other Dutch thinkers) to religious toleration was not primarily the clashes between Christians and non-Christians, or between Catholics and Protestants, or even between Lutherans and Calvinists, but the war which broke out between two different camps in the Reformed community, which were rooted, in turn, in different social and economic sections of the Dutch population.

In religion, the rural and less wealthy provinces tended to embrace a strict Calvinism characterized by a hard-line doctrine of predestination; in politics, they looked to the Prince of Orange as their protector and as the enforcer of the purer Calvinist confession. On the other hand, the urbanized, commercial, and richer provinces (including first and foremost Grotius’s own province of Holland) emphasized their autonomy against central government and tended to side with the followers of the Dutch Reformed theologian, Jacobus Arminius (1560–1609).

Arminius had rejected the rigid doctrine of predestination, arguing (in line with the humanistic tradition of Erasmus) that election did take into account the individual’s response to divine grace. In 1610, shortly after Arminius’s death, his position was systematized by Simon Episcopius and Jan Uytenbogaert into five “articles of remonstrance,” for which the followers of Arminius were called “Remonstrants.”

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The opposition of hard-line Dutch Calvinists against the Remonstrants was fierce and uncompromising. They called for a general synod of international Calvinism to cleanse the Dutch Reformed church of these defections from strict Calvinism and to proclaim their own views as official orthodoxy. The principle of church authority—thrown out through the door by the Protestant Reformation in favor of sola Scriptura—was coming back through the window in order to settle this intra-Calvinist dispute arising from the vexed question of what in fact Scripture taught on issues such as election and predestination.

Grotius grew up in the midst of this political and religious unrest. He was educated in the humanist tradition which the new University of Leiden had deeply institutionalized and come to exemplify, gained a doctorate in law in 1598 from the University of Orléans, and soon distinguished himself for his exceptional rhetorical gifts and extraordinary erudition. A brilliant political and diplomatic career seemed certain when the young prodigy was enlisted as adviser to Johann van Oldenbarnevelt (1547–1619), the de facto prime minister of the United Provinces. Instead, this close association with the political and religious program of Oldenbarnevelt led Grotius to his prison cell in Loevestein Castle.

Supporting Oldenbarnevelt’s efforts to protect the Remonstrants, Grotius called for toleration of religious views diverging from strict Calvinism and opposed the convocation of the synod demanded by hard-line Calvinists. The call for toleration and religious freedom on the part of a religious group which stands in danger of being outlawed is not in itself surprising. In Grotius, however, this appeal was part of a broader, coherent religious vision which sought to overcome divisions among Christians on the basis of that very principle of sola Scriptura which had been one of the original leitmotifs of the Protestant Reformation. Following in particular the teaching of Franciscus Junius senior (1545–1602), Grotius embraced the doctrine of fundamental and nonfundamental articles of faith. All fundamental articles of faith necessary to salvation were clearly contained in Scripture.¹ All issues not explicitly determined by Scripture, instead of being established as necessary dogmas by church

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authority, should be considered as adiafora: that is, as “indifferent” matters, or matters of opinion and free interpretation.

In this power struggle, Oldenbarnevelt’s party was routed. In July 1617, Prince Maurice of Orange declared himself firmly on the side of the counter-Remonstrants. In August 1618, he arrested Oldenbarnevelt and his associates on charges of high treason. Strict Calvinists likewise succeeded in their efforts to call a general synod of Reformed churches, which met in Dort (Dordrecht) from 13 November 1618 to 9 May 1619 and resulted in a comprehensive condemnation of Remonstrant doctrines. Oldenbarnevelt was beheaded on 13 May 1619; Grotius received a sentence of life imprisonment. After several months under arrest at The Hague, he settled into his prospective lifetime’s incarceration at Loevestein Castle, devoting himself to study and writing.

De Veritate Religionis Christianae

His time as a prisoner was extremely productive: he returned to the study of jurisprudence, meditated on moral philosophy (translating into Latin ethical excerpts from Greek poets and dramatists), and resumed his earlier writing on theology. It was at Loevestein that the first version of his work on the truth of the Christian religion was written in the form of a Dutch poem, Bewijs van den waren godsdienst (“Proof of the True Religion”).² In March 1621, however, with the help of his wife, he escaped from prison. Eventually he reached Paris, where he began life in exile under the protection of friends and, in due course, of the French king.

The Bewijs van den waren godsdienst was published in 1622. In 1627 it was followed by the appearance in Leiden and Paris of a Latin book which, under the title Sensus librorum sex, quos pro veritate religionis Christianae Batavice scripsit Hugo Grotius, reworked and recast in prose the themes covered in the Dutch poem. This little book with the cumbersome title was the first edition of De Veritate Religionis Christianae, a work destined to become a world-famous treatise advocating the truth

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of the Christian religion.³ The second edition, bearing the simplified title De Veritate Religionis Christianae, was published in Leiden in 1629.

Written in a plain and direct language for his countrymen and “especially Seamen, that they might have an Opportunity to employ that Time which in long Voyages lies upon their Hands, and is usually thrown away,”⁴ this short work aimed to confirm to those who came into contact with pagans, Muslims, and Jews that the Christian religion was the true revealed religion. In addition to “fortifying” the beliefs of Grotius’s countrymen, the treatise was also intended for missionary purposes, namely for convincing non-Christians that “the Christian Religion recommends itself above all others” and “it self is most true and certain.”⁵

Grotius’s intention to target a readership of seamen was not as implausible as it might appear at first glance, if one recalls that the first version of Grotius’s apology was not only in the vernacular but also in verse, to add pleasure to the reading and to aid retention in the memory. Seamen were, of course, central to the Dutch Republic’s standing as the greatest commercial country of the age: it dominated the Baltic trade, which furnished western Europe with many of its basic staples, and through the Dutch East India Company, the Dutch had displaced the Portuguese in the more exotic and prestigious (if less profitable) trade with India and the Far East.

A work aimed both at fortifying the Christian faith of those who were increasingly confronted with alternative and often competing systems of beliefs, and at gaining converts to Christianity through peaceful means of persuasion, was highly topical not only for genuine religious reasons but also for the political, social, and economic stability of the United Provinces. That Grotius was encouraged to prepare a Latin version indicates that an international readership more educated than the average sailor also appreciated his agile compendium of arguments in support of the Christian religion.

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Originality and philosophical sophistication were not in fact Grotius’s main concern. It has rightly been observed that the arguments presented by Grotius can be traced quite closely to existing literature⁶ and tend to fall short of the argumentative rigor found in other classical theological and philosophical works. Grotius’s genius lay not in new or more philosophically sophisticated proofs (which would have been unintelligible to most readers, let alone the average sailor) but in selecting, organizing, and presenting in clear and compelling language arguments which could be easily followed and understood.

Like the original Dutch poem, De Veritate was divided into six books. The first three contained positive arguments for the truth of the Christian religion; the remaining three offered comparisons with paganism, Judaism, and Islam designed to display their inferiority. The key argumentative strategy was “to show the Reasonableness of believing and embracing the Christian Religion”⁷ based on three considerations: its agreement with the conclusions of natural reason concerning the existence of God and his attributes; the authenticity and reliability of Scripture; and the morally excellent teaching contained especially in the New Testament. Accordingly, the first book offered some of the traditional proofs of the existence of God; a discussion of his attributes; and a response to some classical objections to the existence of an omnipotent, completely good, and provident God in the face of so much evil in the world.

The second book turned from natural theology to the Christian revelation, defending the truth of the historical facts on which Christianity rested, that is, the life and scandalous death of Jesus of Nazareth. Such an ignominious death and the ensuing persecutions would normally have meant the end of a sect. Amazingly, Grotius argued, Christianity instead spread and was embraced by “very many” men “of good Judgment, and of no small Learning,” who acknowledged that reports of Jesus’s miracles were “true, and founded upon sufficient Testimony” and that “some of the Works of Christ were such as seem to declare God himself to be the Author of them.”⁸ After this class of arguments “drawn from Matters

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of Fact,” Grotius turned to “those which are drawn from the Nature of the Doctrine,”⁹ that is, to the moral superiority of its commandments.

The third book focused on philological and historical considerations aiming to establish the authenticity, reliability, and lack of significant corruption of biblical texts, with special regard to the New Testament.

In 1640 a new Latin edition of De Veritate appeared, in which Grotius had added a formidable apparatus of learned notes designed to support the main text’s arguments by referring to a vast array of ancient, patristic, medieval, and contemporary sources. Here the author’s exceptional humanistic erudition flooded the entire text of De Veritate. Although the arguments in the body of the work remained unchanged, Grotius’s convenient little book was thereby transformed into a treatise which even the most determined sailor who did not happen to be an accomplished humanist would have found difficult to digest.

Success and Polemics

With or without notes, De Veritate received a remarkably warm welcome throughout the international Christian community of almost all parties. As one of the early translators of Grotius’s work, John Clarke, wrote, “this Piece of Grotius” has met in the world with “general Acceptation.”¹⁰ Its success can only be described as overwhelming. Already before Grotius’s death, in 1645, ten Latin, one German, one English, and two French editions had appeared. This was, however, only the tip of an iceberg. By the middle of the nineteenth century there had appeared sixty-four editions in Latin, seven in German, forty-five in English, eight in French, seven in Dutch, four in Scandinavian languages, three in Welsh, one in Hungarian, one in Polish, and one in Italian, plus six in Oriental languages, clearly meant as missionary tools.

The one dissonant voice in this choir of praise was that of Grotius’s old enemies, the hard-line Calvinists who had condemned the Remonstrants and zealously continued to attack them as, among other things, crypto-Socinians. Among this group in particular, Socinianism was at the time

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almost synonymous with heresy. More specifically, the movement (which derived its name from its Italian founder, Faustus Socinus) denied the dogma of the Trinity—and therefore the divinity of Jesus Christ—on two main grounds: first, in its view, the Trinitarian doctrine was against reason; and second, being irrational, the dogma of the Trinity could not be (and indeed was not) contained in Scripture.

The charge of Socinianism was routinely thrown at the Remonstrants for their minimalist attitude toward dogmas and their emphasis on Scripture as the sole source of the articles of faith that Christians should be required to embrace. It was not long before this accusation fell upon Grotius as well, and De Veritate was branded as leaning toward Islam and Socinianism.¹¹ To the modern, untutored eye, the charge of favoring Islam might appear quite extravagant directed at a work which devotes an entire book to showing in sometimes even disturbingly firm terms the superiority of Christianity to Islam. But in the eyes of the anti-Remonstrant Calvinists who attacked Grotius, this charge was united with that of Socinianism and was grounded in the fact that both Socinians and Muslims denied the distinctive dogma of the Christian revelation, the Trinity, a dogma conspicuous for its absence from De Veritate.

Grotius tried his best not to be dragged into the ensuing polemic but felt compelled to explain himself to his friends. His line of defense was clear. De Veritate, as befitted a work addressed not only to Christians but also to non-Christians, was not the place to discuss the doctrine of the Trinity. This was a central truth unique to Christian revelation which could not be reached by natural reason. Attempts to prove the Trinity by means of rational arguments or through reference to pre-Christian authors, such as Plato and the neo-Platonists, were misguided, in Grotius’s view, since Scripture and only Scripture was the source of revealed truths.¹²

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In De Veritate he had taken people as far in the knowledge of God as was possible on the basis of natural reason, then focused on proving the authenticity and reliability of the Scriptures, in which doctrines surpassing the natural light of reason were revealed.¹³ As Grotius pointed out, the (Catholic) doctors of the Sorbonne who had examined De Veritate before its publication, and who certainly were not known for their dogmatic leniency, had failed to detect any shadow of Socinianism. Instead, the Sorbonne doctors had probably found Grotius quite in line with the teaching of Thomas Aquinas, who argued that natural reason provided the praeambula fidei but was incapable of reaching supernatural truths, for which revelation was needed.

Interestingly, De Veritate sailed through the Spanish and Venetian Inquisitions almost without a scratch, and the prominent Cardinal Francesco Barberini (1597–1679) was reported to have kept it constantly to hand, in case an opportunity for evangelizing should present itself. The Lutherans also greeted the work with approval, as testified by Christoph Köler’s German translation of 1631.¹⁴ In short, in this particular instance those who vociferously denounced the absence of dogmas were the representatives, not of the Roman church so often stigmatized for its zeal for rigid doctrinal definitions, but of a branch of Reformed Protestantism which regarded itself as an unyielding defender of Calvinist orthodoxy.

As for Grotius, the approach to the Christian religion chosen in De Veritate was perfectly in line with his long-standing view that division among Christians could and should be overcome on the basis of the distinction between fundamental and nonfundamental articles of faith coupled with the crucial claim that all fundamental articles are explicitly contained in Scripture. For him as for others, this claim also provided a solid criterion for religious toleration. In De Veritate, instead of embarking on an inappropriate dogmatic treatment of what Christians should

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believe, he had limited himself to proving the reliability and authenticity of Scripture—the only voice to which one was required to listen. Once its divine inspiration had been established, one had only to let it speak to discover all fundamental Christian truths.

It is remarkable that a man who wrote the first version of this work in a state of life imprisonment as a consequence (at least in a significant measure) of religious divisions should spend no ink to condemn in it the views of his opponents. Despite the high personal price he paid for the intestine fights within the Reformed camp, in De Veritate he rose above them to focus on what he regarded as the agreement among Christians “in the principal things.” The opportunity for reestablishing unity among Christians, in other words, was provided by precisely “those Commands” by which the Christian religion recommended itself above other faiths as well. The certainty of Christianity was confirmed by the very fact that “those who[,] being highly enraged against one another, have fought for Matter of Disagreement, never ventured to go so far as to deny, that these were the Precepts of Christ.”¹⁵

Christianity was thus presented in De Veritate as an eminently reasonable religion, though in a manner quite different from Grotius’s deistic successors: Christianity was reasonable, in Grotius’s view, not because there was not room within it for supernatural truths such as the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, and miracles (in fact, miracles did heavy duty within his argumentation), but because it agreed with what natural reason could discover about God, it contained nothing irrational or contradictory, it was based on texts the authenticity and reliability of which could be proved, and (finally and most importantly) it displayed and advocated superior moral standards.

Le Clerc’s Additions

Among the posthumous Latin editions of De Veritate, the most important and influential were those of Jean Le Clerc (1657–1736). Born and raised in Geneva and transplanted successively to Grenoble and Saumur in France and for six months also to London, Le Clerc settled in

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Amsterdam where (from 1684) he taught philosophy, literature, and Hebrew in the Remonstrant seminary. At the death of his close friend, the leading Dutch Remonstrant theologian Philip v. Limborch (1633–1712), Le Clerc was also appointed to the chair of church history. Befriended by John Locke (whom he met during the English thinker’s exile in the United Provinces between 1683 and 1688), he established himself as a key figure of the European republic of letters through his work as a biblical scholar, theologian, and especially as editor of one of the learned journals central to contemporary intellectual life, the Bibliothèque Universelle et Historique (26 volumes, 1686–1694, 1718), continued as Bibliothèque Choisie (28 volumes, 1703–1713, 1718), and then Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne (29 volumes, 1714–1727, 1730).

Le Clerc’s first edition of Grotius’s De Veritate Religionis Christianae, published in 1709, supplemented the original work in three respects: it corrected numerous mistakes, especially in quotations from ancient sources; it provided a series of notes in addition to those of Grotius; and it subjoined an additional book to the six of Grotius’s original work. The new book was devoted to the question of which Christian church should be chosen, and in it Le Clerc advanced two main conclusions which were in line with Grotius’s views but were not as explicit in De Veritate as Le Clerc thought necessary. First, nothing else ought to be imposed on Christians aside from what they can gather from the New Testament; and second, the purest Christian doctrine is professed by those who propose as necessary to be believed only those things on which Christians agree.

Le Clerc’s edition, including his “seventh book,” was translated into English in 1711 by John Clarke senior (1682–1757). Brother of Samuel Clarke (1675–1729) and an accomplished mathematician, John Clarke was a clergyman who served as chaplain to the king and (from 1728) as dean of Salisbury.

In 1718 Le Clerc published a second, revised edition, on the basis of which Clarke published his second English edition in 1719, followed by a third in 1729.

The third and definitive Latin edition by Le Clerc appeared in The Hague in 1724. It included an “eighth book” in which Le Clerc argued against those who “imagine it to be quite indifferent, what Party of Christians we really join ourselves with, or indeed only profess to join ourselves

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with.”¹⁶ While “we ought not hastily to condemn” those who have different religious beliefs, the hypocrisy of those who join a certain religious denomination against their “own Conscience” is never permissible.¹⁷ The 1724 edition served as a basis for Clarke’s fourth English edition, which appeared in London in 1743 and included Le Clerc’s “eighth book.”

Especially in the English-speaking world, the two books added by Le Clerc became classic documents in their own right, alongside the original work by Grotius. Testimony to this are the seventeen reprints of Clarke’s definitive English edition of 1743. In its preface, Clarke endorsed the view, shared by Grotius and Le Clerc, that the way to end fighting among Christians was to return to sola Scriptura, in which all the articles of faith necessary for salvation are clearly contained: “the only Remedy that can heal these Divisions amongst Christians … is, in one Word, making the Scripture the only Rule of Faith. Whatever is necessary for a Christian to believe, in order to everlasting Salvation, is there declared.”¹⁸

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A NOTE ON THE TEXT

The impetuous flood of editions of Grotius’s De Veritate shrinks to a trickle from 1950 onward. A facsimile reprint of the first English translation (London, 1632; probably based on the Leiden Latin edition of 1629) was published in Amsterdam and New York in 1971. An Italian translation by Fiorella Pintacuda De Michelis—based on the text of De Veritate in Grotius’s Opera omnia theologica (Amsterdam, 1679) but excluding the extensive notes added by Grotius in 1640—appeared in 1973. Finally, a photographic reproduction of the 1818 edition of John Clarke’s translation was published in 2004.

The current edition presents John Clarke’s English translation of 1743 of Jean Le Clerc’s definitive Latin edition of 1724. It does not attempt to provide a critical edition of a text with so many and such complex layers of revisions, additions, and corrections by Grotius, Le Clerc, and Clarke. Its aim is much more modest: namely, to help the modern reader appreciate a classic work that had a massive impact on western culture. This aim is pursued in the “Authors and Works Cited by Grotius and Le Clerc” (pp. 299–332), via the identification of the authors and works mentioned by Grotius and Le Clerc in their countless allusions and more or less implicit references, and in explanatory annotations to the text itself. Given the already formidable apparatus of notes by Grotius, Le Clerc, and occasionally Clarke, I have kept my own annotations to a minimum. John Clarke’s translation, although far from blameless, has been treated as a period piece in its own right. I have therefore limited my interventions to silently correcting only clear typographical errors.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The bulk of the work on this edition was done during a period of research leave for which I am grateful to King’s College London. It is a pleasure to record my thanks also to Hamilton Bryson, Noel Malcolm, Maria Grazia and Mario Sina, M. A. Stewart, Stefania Tutino, and Joanna Weinberg for helping me with the identification of some of the most obscure authors and works cited by Grotius and Le Clerc. In this challenging task Richard Hewitt’s “Catalogus Librorum a Grotio et Clerico Laudatorum,” appended to the edition of Grotius’s De Veritate Religionis Christianae published in Oxford in 1807, has provided a valuable starting point. Thank you to Paul Dimmock for checking Hebrew and Ancient Greek words. I am greatly indebted to Knud Haakonssen for his support over the years and for his advice as the general editor of the series of which this volume is part. Thanks are also due to Laura Goetz and Diana Francoeur of Liberty Fund, for being gracious and competent editors, and to the library of Harris Manchester College (Oxford) for allowing me to consult the 1743 edition. As always, the deepest debt of all is to my family. My husband, Howard Hotson, has been my constant intellectual companion, sharing the pleasure of this work and helping me to endure its frustrations when Grotius and Le Clerc’s elusive citations proved difficult to track down. They prompted our son John, however, to try his hand at scholarly work. Our daughters, Sophia and Francesca, might or might not try some other time.

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To John

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THE TRUTH OF THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION

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THE

TRUTH

OF THE

Christian Religion.

IN

SIX BOOKS

BY

HUGO GROTIUS.

Corrected and Illustrated with NOTES,

By Mr. LE CLERC.

To which is added, a SEVENTH BOOK,

Concerning this QUESTION,

What Christian Church we ought to join ourselves to. By the said Mr. LE CLERC.

The FOURTH EDITION, with ADDITIONS:

Particularly one whole BOOK of Mr. LE CLERC’s, Against Indifference of what Religion a Man is of.

Done into English by JOHN CLARKE, D.D. Dean of SARUM.

LONDON:

Printed for JOHN and PAUL KNAPTON, at the Crown in Ludgate-Street.

MDCCXLIII.

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TO THE

Most Reverend Prelate

THOMAS,¹

Lord Archbishop of Canterbury,

Primate of all England, and Metropolitan, and Privy-Counsellor to her most Serene Majesty the Queen of Great-Britain.²

Upon the Reprinting this excellent Piece of that great Man Hugo Grotius, concerning the Truth of the Christian Religion; whereunto I thought fit to add something of my own, and also some Testimonies, from which the good Opinion he had of the Church of England, is evident; there was no other Person, most Reverend Prelate, to whom I thought it so proper for me to Dedicate this Edition, with the Additions, as the Primate and Metropolitan of the whole Church of England. I therefore present it to you, as worthy your Protection upon its own Account, and as an Instance of my Respect and Duty towards you. I will not attempt here, either to praise or defend Grotius; his own Virtue and distinguishing Merits in the Commonwealth of Christians, do sufficiently commend and justify him amongst all good and learned Men. Neither will I say any thing of the Appendix which I have added; it is so short, that it may be read over almost in an Hour’s time. If it be beneath Grotius, nothing that I can say about it will vindicate me to the Censorious; but if it be thought not beneath him, I need not give any Reasons for joining it with a Piece of his. Perhaps it might be expected, most illustrious Prelate, that I should, as usual, commend you and your Church; but I have more than once

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performed this Part, and declared a thing known to all: Wherefore forbearing that, I conclude with wishing that both you and the Reverend Prelates, and the rest of the Clergy of the Church of England, who are such brave Defenders of the true Christian Religion, and whose Conversations are answerable to it, may long prosper and flourish; which I earnestly desire of Almighty God.

Amsterdam, the Calends of March, MDCCIX.³

JOHN LE CLERC.

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TO THE

READER

JOHN LE CLERC wisheth all Health.

The Bookseller having a Design to reprint this Piece of Grotius’s, I gave him to understand that there were many great Faults in the former Editions, especially in the Testimonies of the Ancients, which it was his Business should be mended, and that something useful might be added to the Notes: Neither would it be unacceptable or unprofitable to the Reader, if a Book were added, to show where the Christian Religion, the Truth of which this great Man has demonstrated, is to be found in its greatest Purity. He immediately desired me to do this upon his Account, which I willingly undertook, out of the Reverence I had for the Memory of Grotius, and because of the Usefulness of the thing. How I have succeeded in it, I must leave to the candid Reader’s Judgment. I have corrected many Errors of the Press, and perhaps should have done more, could I have found all the Places. I have added some, but very short Notes, there being very many before, and the thing not seeming to require more. My Name adjoined, distinguishes them from Grotius’s. I have also added to Grotius’s a small Book, concerning chusing our Opinion and Church amongst so many different Sects of Christians; in which I hope I have offered nothing contrary to the Sense of that great Man, or at least to Truth. I have used such Arguments, as will recommend themselves to any prudent Person, easy, and not far-fetched; and I have determined that Christians ought to manage themselves so in this Matter, as the most prudent Men usually do, in the most weighty Affairs of Life. I have abstained from all sharp Controversy, and from all severe Words, which ought never to enter into

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our Determinations of Religion, if our Adversaries will suffer it. I have declared the Sense of my Mind in a familiar Stile, without any Flourish of Words, in a Matter where Strength of Argument and not the Enticement of Words is required. And herein I have imitated Grotius, whom I think All ought to imitate who attempt to write seriously, and with a Mind deeply affected with the Gravity of the Argument, upon such Subjects.

As I was thinking upon these things, the Letters which you will see at the End, were sent me by that honourable and learned Person, to whose singular good Nature I am much indebted, the most Serene Queen of Great Britain’s Embassador Extraordinary to his Royal Highness the most Serene Great Duke of Tuscany.⁴ I thought with his Leave they might conveniently be published at the End of this Volume, that it might appear what Opinion Grotius had of the Church of England; which is obliged to him, notwithstanding the Snarling of some Men, who object those inconsistent Opinions, Socinianism, Popery, nay, even Atheism itself, against this most learned and religious Man; for fear, I suppose, his immortal Writings should be read, in which their foolish Opinions are intirely confuted. In which Matter, as in many other things of the like Nature, they have in vain attempted to blind the Eyes of others: But God forgive them, (for I wish them nothing worse,) and put better Thoughts into their Minds, that we may at last be all joined by the Love of Truth and Peace, and be united into one Flock, under one Shepherd Jesus Christ. This, Kind Reader, is what you ought to desire and wish with me; and may God so be with you, and all that belong to you, as you promote this Matter as far as can be, and assist to the utmost of your Power.

Farewel.

Amsterdam, the Calends of March, MDCCIX.⁵

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TO THE

READER.

I have nothing to add to what I said Eight Years since, but only, that in this my second Edition of Grotius, I have put some short Notes, and corrected a great many Faults in the Ancient Testimonies.

Amsterdam, the Calends of June, MDCCXVII.⁶

J. C.⁷

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TO THE

Most Noble and Most Excellent

HIERONYMUS BIGNONIUS,⁸

The King’s Sollicitor in the Supreme Court of Audience at PARIS.

Most Noble and Excellent Sir,

I should offend against Justice, if I should divert another way that time which you employ in the Exercise of Justice in your high Station: But I am encouraged in this Work, because it is for the Advancement of the Christian Religion, which is a great Part of Justice, and of your Office; neither would Justice permit me to approach any one else so soon as you, whose Name my Book glories in the Title of. I do not say I desire to employ part of your Leisure; for the Discharge of so extensive an Office allows you no Leisure. But since Change of Business is instead of Leisure to them that are fully employed, I desire you would in the midst of your forensick Affairs, bestow some Hours upon these Papers. Even then, you will not be out of the way of your Business. Hear the Witnesses, weigh the Force of their Testimony, make a Judgment, and I will stand by the Determination.

Paris, August 27, ciͻ-c-sc; iͻ-c-sc;c XXXIX.⁹

HUGO GROTIUS.

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THE

TRANSLATOR’S Preface

TO THE

CHRISTIAN READER.

The general Acceptation this Piece of Grotius has met with in the World, encouraged this Translation of it, together with the Notes; which, being a Collection of Antient Testimonies, upon whose Authority and Truth the Genuineness of the Books of Holy Scripture depends, are very useful in order to the convincing any one of the Truth of the Christian Religion. These Notes are for the most Part Grotius’s own, except some few of Mr. Le Clerc’s, which I have therefore translated also, because I have followed his Edition, as the most Correct.

The Design of the Book, is to show the Reasonableness of believing and embracing the Christian Religion above any other; which our Author does, by laying before us all the Evidence, that can be brought, both Internal and External, and declaring the Sufficiency of it; by enumerating all the Marks of Genuineness in any Books, and applying them to the Sacred Writings; and by making appear the Deficiency of all other Institutions of Religion, whether Pagan, Jewish, or Mahometan. So that the Substance of the whole is briefly this; that as certain as is the Truth of Natural Principles, and that the Mind can judge of what is agreeable to them; as certain as is the Evidence of Mens Bodily Senses in the most plain and obvious Matters of Fact; and as certainly as Mens Integrity and Sincerity may be discovered, and their Accounts delivered down to Posterity faithfully; so certain are we of the Truth of the Christian Religion; and that if it be not true, there is no such Thing as true Religion in the

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World, neither was there ever or can there ever be any Revelation proved to be from Heaven.

This is the Author’s Design to prove the Truth of the Christian Religion in general, against Atheists, Deists, Jews, or Mahometans; and he does not enter into any of the Disputes which Christians have among themselves, but confines himself wholly to the other. Now as the State of Christianity at present is, were a Heathen or Mahometan convinc’d of the Truth of the Christian Religion in general, he would yet be exceedingly at a Loss to know what Society of Christians to join himself with; so miserably divided are they amongst themselves, and separated into so many Sects and Parties, which differ almost as widely from each other as Heathens from Christians, and who are so zealous and contentious for their own particular Opinions, and bear so much Hatred and ill Will towards those that differ from them, that there is very little of the true Spirit of Charity, which is the Bond of Peace, to be found amongst any of them: This is a very great Scandal to the Professors of Christianity, and has been exceedingly disserviceable to the Christian Religion; insomuch that great Numbers have been hindered from embracing the Gospel, and many tempted to cast it off, because they saw the Professors of it in general agree so little amongst themselves: This Consideration induced Mr. Le Clerc to add a Seventh Book to those of Grotius; wherein he treats of this Matter, and shows what it becomes every honest Man to do in such a Case; And I have translated it for the same Reason. All that I shall here add, shall be only briefly to enquire into the Cause of so much Division in the Church of Christ, and to show what seems to me the only Remedy to heal it. First, to examine into the Cause, why the Church of Christ is so much divided: A Man needs but a little Knowledge of the State of the Christian Church, to see that there is just Reason for the same Complaint St. Paul made in the primitive Times of the Church of Corinth; that some were for Paul, some for Apollos, and some for Cephas; so very early did the Spirit of Faction creep into the Church of God, and disturb the Peace of it, by setting its Members at Variance with each other, who ought to have been all of the same common Faith, into which they were baptized; and I wish it could not be said that the same Spirit has too much remained amongst Christians ever since. It is evident that the Foundation of the Divisions in the

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Church of Corinth, was their forsaking their common Lord and Master, Jesus Christ, into whose Name alone they were baptized; and uniting themselves, some under one eminent Apostle or Teacher, and some under another, by whom they had been instructed in the Doctrine of Christ; whereby they were distinguished into different Sects, under their several Denominations: This St. Paul complains of as a Thing in itself very Bad, and of pernicious Consequence; for hereby the Body of Christ, that is, the Christian Church, the Doctrine of which is one and the same at all Times and in all Places, is rent and divided into several Parts, that clash and interfere with each other; Which is the only Method, if permitted to have its natural Effect, that can overthrow and destroy it. And from the same Cause have arisen all the Divisions that are or have been in the Church ever since. Had Christians been contented to own but one Lord, even Jesus Christ, and made the Doctrine delivered by him the sole Rule of Faith, without any Fictions or Inventions of Men; it had been impossible but that the Church of Christ must have been one universal, regular, uniform Thing, and not such a Mixture and Confusion as we now behold it. But when Christians once began to establish Doctrines of their own, and to impose them upon others by humane Authority as Rules of Faith, (which is the Foundation of Antichrist,) then there began to be as many Schemes of Religion as there were Parties of Men who had different Judgment, and got the Power into their Hands. A very little Acquaintance with Ecclesiastical History does but too sadly confirm the Truth of this, by giving us an Account of the several Doctrines in Fashion, in the several Ages of the Christian Church, according to the then present Humour. And if it be not so now, how comes it to pass that the Generality of Christians are so zealous for that Scheme of Religion, which is received by that particular Church of which they profess themselves Members? How is it that the Generality of Christians in one Country are zealous for Calvinism, and in another Country as zealous for Arminianism? It is not because Men have any natural Disposition more to the one than the other, or perhaps that one has much more Foundation to support it from Scripture than the other; But the Reason is plain, viz. because they are the established Doctrines of the Places they live in; they are by Authority made the Rule and Standard of Religion, and Men are taught them from the Beginning; by

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this Means, they are so deeply fixed and rooted in their Minds, that they become prejudiced in Favour of them, and have so strong a Relish of them, that they cannot read a Chapter in the Bible but it appears exactly agreeable to the received Notions of them both, tho’ perhaps those Notions are directly contradictory to each other: Thus instead of making the Scripture the only Rule of Faith, Men make Rules of Faith of their own, and interpret Scripture according to them; which being an easy Way of coming to the Knowledge of what they esteem the Truth, the Generality of Christians sit down very well satisfy’d with it. But whoever is indeed convinced of the Truth of the Gospel, and has any Regard for the Honour of it, cannot but be deeply concerned to see its sacred Truths thus prostituted to the Power and Interests of Men; and think it his Duty to do the utmost he is able to take it out of their Hands, and fix it on its own immoveable Bottom. In order to contribute to which, I shall in the Second Place show what seems to be the only Remedy that can heal these Divisions amongst Christians; and that is, in one Word, making the Scripture the only Rule of Faith. Whatever is necessary for a Christian to believe, in order to everlasting Salvation, is there declared, in such a Way and Manner as the Wisdom of God, who best knows the Circumstances and Conditions of Mankind, has thought fit. This God himself has made the Standard for all Ranks and Orders, for all Capacities and Abilities; And to set up any other above, or upon the Level with it, is dishonouring God and abusing of Men. All the Authority in the World cannot make any Thing an Article of Faith, but what God has made so; neither can any Power establish or impose upon Men, more or less, or otherwise than what the Scripture commands. God has given every Man proportionable Faculties and Abilities of Mind, some stronger and some weaker; and he has by his own Authority made the Scripture the Rule of Religion to them all; It is therefore their indispensible Duty to examine diligently, and study attentively this Rule, to instruct themselves in the Knowledge of Religious Truths from hence, and to form the best Judgment they can of the Nature of them. The Scripture will extend or contract itself according to the Capacities of Men; The strongest and largest Understanding will there find enough to fill and improve it, and the narrowest and meanest Capacity will fully acquiesce in what is there required of it. Thus all Men are obliged to form

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a Judgment of Religion for themselves, and to be continually rectifying and improving it; They may be very helpful and assisting to each other in the Means of coming to this Divine Knowledge, but no one can finally determine for another; every Man must judge for himself; and for the Sincerity of his Judgment he is accountable to God only, who knows the Secrets of all Hearts, which are beyond the Reach of humane Power: This must be left till the final Day of Account, when every Man shall be acquitted or condemned according as he has acted by the Dictates of his Conscience or no. Were all Christians to go upon this Principle, we should soon see an End of all the fierce Controversies and unhappy Divisions which now rend and confound the Church of Christ: Were every Man allowed to take the Scripture for his only Guide in Matters of Faith, and, after all the Means of Knowledge and Instruction used, all the Ways of Assurance and Conviction try’d, permitted quietly to enjoy his own Opinion, the Foundation of all Divisions would be taken away at once: And till Christians do arrive at this Temper of Mind, let them not boast that they are endued with that excellent Virtue of Charity which is the distinguishing Mark of their Profession; for if what St. Paul says be true, that Charity is greater than Faith, it is evident no Christian ought to be guilty of the Breach of a greater Duty upon Account of a lesser; They ought not to disturb that Peace and Unity which ought to be amongst all Christians, for the Sake of any Matters of Faith, any Differences of Opinion; because it is contrary to the known Law of Charity: And how the far greatest Part of Christians will clear themselves of transgressing this plain Law, I know not. Wherefore if ever we expect to have our Petitions answered, when we pray that God would make us one Flock under one Shepherd and Bishop of our Souls, Jesus Christ; we must cease to make needless Fences of our own, and to divide ourselves into small separate Flocks, and distinguish them by that whereby Christ has not distinguished them. When this Spirit of Love and Unity, of forbearing one another in Meekness, once becomes the prevailing Principle amongst Christians; then, and not till then, will the Kingdom of Christ in its highest Perfection and Purity flourish upon the Earth, and all the Powers of Darkness fall before it.

JOHN CLARKE.

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THE CONTENTS¹

The Contents of Mr. Le Clerc’s two Books.

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To the Honourable

Hieronymus Bignonius, ¹

His Majesty’s Sollicitor in the chief court of PARIS.

BOOK I

Sect. I. The Occasion of this Work.

You have frequently enquired of me, worthy Sir, (whom I know to be a Gentleman that highly deserves the Esteem of your Country, of the learned World, and, if you will allow me to say it, of myself also;) what the Substance of those Books is, which I wrote in defence of the Christian Religion, in my own Language.² Nor do I wonder at your Enquiry; For you, who have with so great Judgment read every thing that is worth reading, cannot but be sensible with how much Philosophick Nicety (a) Raemundus Sebundus, with what entertain-<2>ing Dialogues Ludovicus Vives, and with how great Eloquence your Mornaeus, have illustrated this Matter. For which Reason it might seem more useful, to translate some

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of them into our own Language, than to undertake any thing new upon this Subject. But though I know not what Judgment others will pass upon me, yet have I very good Reason to hope that you, who are so fair and candid a Judge, will easily acquit me, if I should say, that after having read not only the fore-mentioned Writings, but also those that have been written by the Jews in behalf of the antient Jewish Dispensation, and those of Christians for Christianity, I chuse to make use of my own Judgment, such as it is; and to give my Mind that Liberty which at present is denied my Body; For I am persuaded that Truth is no other way to be defended but by Truth, and That such as the Mind is fully satisfied with; it being in vain to attempt to persuade others to that which you yourself are not convinced of: Wherefore I selected, both from the Antients and Moderns, what appeared to me most conclusive; leaving such Arguments as seemed of small Weight, and rejecting such Books as I knew to be spurious, or had Reason to suspect to be so. Those which I approved of, I explained and put in a regular Method, and in as popular a manner as I could, and likewise turned them into Verse, that they might the easier be remembred. For my Design was to undertake something which might be useful to my Countrymen, especially Seamen, that they might have an Opportunity to employ that Time which in long Voyages lies upon their <3> Hands, and is usually thrown away: Wherefore I began with an Encomium upon our Nation, which so far excells others in the Skill of Navigation; that by this means I might excite them to make use of this Art, as a peculiar Favour of Heaven; not only to their own Profit, but also to the propagating the Christian Religion: For they can never want Matter, but in their long Voyages they will every where meet either with Pagans as in China or Guinea; or Mahometans, as in the Turkish and Persian Empires, and in the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco; and also with Jews who are the professed Enemies of Christianity, and are dispersed over the greatest part of the World; And there are never wanting prophane Persons, who, upon occasion, are ready to scatter their Poison amongst the Weak and Simple, which Fear had forced them to conceal: Against all which Evils, my Desire was, to have my Countrymen well fortified; that they who have the best parts, might employ them in confuting Errors; and that the other would take heed of being seduced by them.

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Sect. II. That there is a God.

And that we may show that Religion is not a vain and empty thing; it shall be the Business of this first Book to lay the Foundation thereof in the Existence of the Deity: Which I prove in the following manner. That there are some Things which had a Beginning, is confessed on all Sides, and obvious to Sense: But these Things could not be the Cause of their own Existence; because that which has no Being, cannot act; for then it would have been before it was, which is impossible; whence it follows, that it derived its Being from something else: This is true not only of those Things which are now before our Eyes, or which we have formerly seen; but also of those things <4> out of which these have arisen, and so on, (a) till we arrive at some Cause, which never had any Beginning, but exists (as we say) necessarily, and not by Accident: Now this Being whatsoever it be (of whom we shall speak more fully by and by) is what we mean by the Deity, or God. Another Argument for the Proof of a Deity may be drawn from the plain Consent of all Nations, who have any Remains of Reason, any Sense of Good Manners, and are not wholly degenerated into Brutishness. For, Humane Inventions, which depend upon the arbitrary Will of Men, are not always the same every where, but are often changed; whereas there is no Place where this Notion is not to be found; nor has the Course of Time been able to alter it, (which is observed by (b) Aristotle himself, a Man not very credulous in these Matters;) wherefore we must assign it a Cause as extensive as all Mankind; and That can be no other than a Declaration from God himself, or a Tradition derived down from the first Parents of Mankind: If the former be granted, there needs

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no further Proof; if the latter, it is hard to give a good Reason why our first Parents should deliver to Posterity a Falsity in a Matter of so great <5> Moment. Moreover, if we look into those Parts of the World, which have been a long time known, or into those lately discovered; if they have not lost the common Principles of Human Nature, (as was said before) this Truth immediately appears; as well amongst the more dull Nations as amongst those who are quicker, and have better Understandings; and, surely, these latter cannot all be deceived, nor the former be supposed to have found out something to impose upon each other with: Nor would it be of any force against this, if it should be urged, that there have been a few Persons in many Ages, who did not believe a God, or at least made such a Profession; For considering how few they were, and that as soon as their Arguments were known, their Opinion was immediately exploded; it is evident, it did not proceed from the right use of that Reason which is common to all Men; but either from an Affectation of Novelty, like the Heathen Philosopher who contended that Snow was black; or from a corrupted Mind, which like a vitiated Palate, does not relish Things as they are: Especially since History and other Writings inform us, that the more vertuous any one is, the more carefully is this Notion of the Deity preserved by him: And it is further evident, that they who dissent from this antiently established Opinion, do it out of an ill Principle, and are such Persons whose Interest it is that there should be no God, that is, no Judge of human Actions; because whatever Hypotheses they have advanced of their own, whether an infinite Succession of Causes, without any Beginning; or a fortuitous Concourse of Atoms, or any other (a) it is attend-<6>ed with as great, if not greater Difficulties, and not at all more credible than what is already received; as is evident to any one that considers it ever so little. For that which some object, that they don’t believe

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a God, because they don’t see him; if they can see any thing, they may see how much it is beneath a Man, who has a Soul which he cannot see, to argue in this manner. Nor if we cannot fully comprehend the Nature of God, ought we therefore to deny that there is any such Being; for the Beasts don’t know of what sort Creatures Men are, and much less do they understand how Men, by their Reason, institute and govern Kingdoms, measure the Course of the Stars, and sail cross the Seas: These Things exceed their Reach: And hence Man, because he is placed by the Dignity of his Nature above the Beasts, and that not by himself, ought to infer; that He who gave him this Superiority above the Beasts, is as far advanced beyond Him, as He is beyond the Beasts; and that therefore there is a Nature, which, as it is more Excellent, so it exceeds his Comprehension.

Sect. III. That there is but one God.

Having proved the Existence of the Deity: we come next to his Attributes; the first whereof is, That there can be no more Gods than One. Which may be gathered from hence; because (as was before said) God exists necessarily, or is self-<7>existent. Now that which is necessary or self-existent, cannot be considered as of any Kind or Species of Beings, but as actually existing, (a) and is therefore a single Being: For if you imagine many Gods, you will see that necessary Existence belongs to none of them; nor can there be any Reason why two should rather be believed than three, or ten than five: Beside the Abundance of particular Things of the same kind, proceeds from the Fruitfulness of the Cause, in proportion to which more or less is produced; but God has no Cause, or Original. Further, particular different Things, are endued with peculiar Properties, by which they are distinguished from each other; which do not belong to God, who is a necessary Being. Neither do we find any Signs of many

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Gods; for this whole Universe makes but one World, in which there is but (a) One Thing that far exceeds the rest in Beauty; viz. the Sun; and in every Man there is but One Thing that governs, that is, the Mind: Moreover, if there could be two or more Gods, free Agents, acting according to their own Wills, they might will contrary to each other; and so One be hindered by the Other from effecting his Design; now a Possibility of being hindred is inconsistent with the Notion of God. <8>

Sect. IV. All Perfection is in God.

That we may come to the Knowledge of the other Attributes of God; we conceive all that is meant by Perfection, to be in Him, (I use the Latin Word Perfectio, as being the best that Tongue affords, and the same as the Greek τελειότης). Because whatever Perfection is in any Thing, either had a Beginning, or not; if it had no Beginning, it is the Perfection of God; if it had a Beginning, it must of necessity be from something else: And since none of those things that exist, are produced from nothing, it follows, that whatever Perfections are in the Effects, were first in the Cause, so that it could produce any thing endued with them; and consequently they are all in the first Cause. Neither can the first Cause ever be deprived of any of its Perfections: Not from any thing else; because that which is Eternal, does not depend upon any other thing, nor can it at all suffer from any thing that they can do: Nor from itself, because every Nature desires its own Perfection.

Sect. V. And in an infinite Degree.

To this must be added, that these Perfections are in God, in an infinite Degree: Because those Attributes that are finite, are therefore limited, because the Cause whence they proceed has communicated so much of them and no more; or else, because the Subject was capable of no more. But no other Nature communicated any of its Perfections to God; nor

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does he derive any thing from any One else, he being (as was said) necessary or self-existent. <9>

Sect. VI. That God is Eternal, Omnipotent, Omniscient and compleatly Good.

Now seeing it is very evident, that those Things which have Life are more perfect, than those which have not; and those which have a Power of Acting, than those which have none; those which have Understanding, than those which want it; those which are good, than those which are not so; it follows from what has been already said, that these Attributes belong to God, and that infinitely: Wherefore he is a living infinite God; that is eternal, of immense Power, and every way good without the least Defect.

Sect. VII. That God is the Cause of all Things.

Every Thing that is, derives its Existence from God; this follows from what has been already said. For we conclude that there is but One necessary self-existent Being; whence we collect, that all other Things sprung from a Being different from themselves: For those Things which are derived from something else, were all of them, either immediately in themselves, or mediately in their Causes, derived from Him who had no Beginning, that is, from God, as was before evinced. And this is not only evident to Reason, but in a manner to Sense too: For if we take a Survey of the admirable Structure of a Humane Body, both within and without; and see how every, even the most minute Part, hath its proper use, without any Design or Intention of the Parents, and with so great Exactness as the most excellent Philosophers and Physicians could never enough admire; it is a sufficient Demonstration that the Author of Nature is the most compleat Understanding. Of this a great deal may <10> be seen in (a) Galen, especially where he examines the Use of the Hands and Eyes; And

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the same may be observed in the Bodies of dumb Creatures; for the Figure and Situation of their Parts to a certain End, cannot be the Effect of any Power in Matter. As also in Plants and Herbs, which is accurately observed by the Philosophers. Strabo (a) excellently well takes notice hereof in the Position of Water, which, as to its Quality, is of a middle Nature betwixt Air and Earth, and ought to have been placed betwixt them, but is therefore interspersed and mixed with the Earth, lest its Fruitfulness, by which the Life of Man is preserved, should be hindred. Now it is the Property of intelligent Beings only to act with some View. Neither are particular Things appointed for their own peculiar Ends only, but for the Good of the Whole; as is plain in Water, which (b) contrary to its own Nature is raised upwards, <11> lest by a Vacuum there should be a Gap in the Structure of the Universe, which is upheld by the continued Union of its Parts. Now the Good of the Whole could not possibly be designed, nor a Power put into Things to tend towards it, but by an intelligent Being to whom the Universe is subject. There are moreover some Actions, even of the Beasts, so ordered and directed, as plainly discover them to be the Effects of some small degree of Reason: As is most manifest in Ants and Bees, and also in some others, which, before they have experienced them, will avoid Things hurtful, and seek those that are profitable to them.

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That this Power of searching out and distinguishing, is not properly in themselves, is apparent from hence, because they act always alike, and are unable to do other Things which don’t require more Pains; (a) wherefore they are acted upon by some foreign Reason; and what they do, must of necessity proceed from the Efficiency of that Reason impressed upon them: Which Reason is no other than what we call God. <12> Next, the Heavenly Constellations, but more especially those eminent ones, the Sun and Moon, have their Courses so exactly accommodated to the Fruitfulness of the Earth, and to the Health of Animals, that nothing can be imagined more convenient: For though otherwise, the most simple Motion had been along the Equator, yet are they directed in an oblique Circle, that the Benefit of them might extend to more Places of the Earth. And as other Animals are allowed the Use of the Earth; so Mankind are permitted to use those Animals, and can by the Power of his Reason tame the fiercest of them. Whence it was that the (b) Stoicks concluded that the World was made for the Sake of Man. But since the Power of Man does not extend so far as to compel the Heavenly Luminaries to serve Him, nor is it likely they should of their own accord submit themselves to him; hence it follows, that there is a superior Understanding, at whose Command those beautiful Bodies afford their perpetual Assistance to Man, who is placed so far beneath them: Which Understanding is none other

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than the Maker of the Stars and of the Universe. (a) The Eccentrick Motions of the Stars, and the Epicycles, as they term them, manifestly show, that they are not the Effects of Matter, but the Appointment of a free Agent; <13> and the same Assurance we have from the Position of the Stars, some in one Part of the Heavens, and some in another; and from the unequal Form of the Earth and Seas: Nor can we attribute the Motion of the Stars, in such a Direction, rather than another, to any thing else. The very Figure of the World, which is the most perfect, viz. round, inclosed in the Bosom of the Heavens, and placed in wonderful Order, sufficiently declares that these Things were not the Result of Chance, but the Appointment of the most excellent Understanding: For can any one be so foolish, as to expect any thing so accurate from Chance? He may as soon believe that pieces of Timber, and Stones, should frame themselves into a House; (b) or from Letters thrown at a venture, there should arise a Poem; when the Philosopher, who saw only some Geometrical Figures on the Sea-shore, thought them plain Indications of a Man’s having been there, such Things not looking as if they proceeded from Chance. Besides, that Mankind were not from Eternity, but date their Original from a certain Period of Time, is clear, as from other Arguments, so from the *Improvement of Arts, <14> and those desart Places, which came afterwards to be inhabited; and is further evidenced by the Lan-<15>guage

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of Islands, plainly derived from the neighbouring Continents. There are moreover certain Ordinances so universal amongst Men, that they don’t seem so much to owe their Institution to the Instinct of Nature, or the Deductions of plain Reason; as to a constant Tradition, scarce interrupted in any Place, either by Wickedness or Misfortune: <16> Of which sort were formerly Sacrifices, amongst holy Rites; and now Shame in Venereal Things, the Solemnity of Marriage, and the Abhorrence of Incest.

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Sect. VIII. The Objection concerning the Cause of Evil, answered.

Nor ought we to be in the least shaken in what has been said, because we see many Evils happen, the Original of which cannot be ascribed to God, who, as was affirmed of Him, is perfectly good. For when we say, that God is the Cause of all Things, we mean of all such Things as have a real Existence; which is no Reason why those Things themselves should not be the Cause of some Accidents, such as Actions are. God created Man, and some other Intelligences superior to Man, with a Liberty of Acting; which Liberty of Acting is not in itself Evil, but may be (a) the Cause of something that is Evil. And to make God the Author of Evils of this kind, which are called Moral Evils, is the highest Wickedness. But there are other Sorts of Evils, such as Loss or Pain inflicted upon a Person, which may be allowed to come from God, suppose for the Reformation <17> of the Man, or as a Punishment which his Sins deserve: For here is no Inconsistency with Goodness; but on the contrary, these proceed from Goodness itself, in the same manner as Physick, unpleasant to the Taste, does from a good Physician.

Sect. IX. Against Two Principles.

And here, by the way, we ought to reject their Opinion, who imagine that there are (b) two Active Principles, the one Good, and the other Evil.

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For from Two Principles, that are contradictory to each other, can arise no regular Order, but only Ruin and Destruction: Neither can there be a self-existent Being perfectly Evil, as there is One Self-existent perfectly Good: Because Evil is a Defect, which cannot reside but in something which has a Being; (a) and the very having a Being is to be reckoned amongst the Things which are Good.

Sect. X. That God governs the Universe.

That the World is governed by the Providence of God, is evident from hence: That not only Men, who are endued with Understanding; but Birds, and both Wild and Tame Beasts, (who are lead by Instinct, which serve them instead of Understanding) take care of, and provide for their Young. Which Perfection, as it is a Branch of Goodness, ought not to be excluded from God: And so much the rather, because He is All-wise, and All-powerful, and cannot but know every thing that is done, or is to be done, and with the greatest Fa-<18>cility direct and govern them; To which we may add, what was before hinted, concerning the Motion of particular Things, contrary to their own Nature, to promote the Good of the Whole.

Sect. XI. And the Affairs of this lower World.

And they are under a very great Mistake, who confine this Providence (b) to the Heavenly Bodies; As appears from the foregoing Reason, which holds as strong for all created Beings; and moreover from this Consideration, that there is an especial Regard had to (c) the Good of Man, in the

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Regulation of the Course of the Stars, as is confessed by the best Philosophers, and evident from Experience. And it is reasonable to conceive, that greater Care should be taken of that, for whose Sake the other was made, than of that which is only subservient to it.

And the Particulars in it.

Neither is Their Error less, (a) who allow the Universe to be governed by Him, but not the <19> particular Things in it. For if He were ignorant of any particular Thing (as some of them say,) He would not be thoroughly acquainted with himself. Neither will his Knowledge be Infinite (as we have before proved it to be) if it does not extend to Individuals. Now if God knows all Things, what should hinder his taking care of them; Especially since Individuals, as such, are appointed for some certain End, either Particular or General: And Things in General (which they themselves acknowledge to be preserved by God) cannot subsist but in their Individuals: So that if the Particulars be destroyed by Providence’s forsaking them, the Whole must be destroyed too.

Sect. XII. This is further proved by the Preservation of Empires.

The Preservation of Commonwealths hath been acknowledged, both by Philosophers and Historians, to be no mean Argument for the Divine Providence over Humane Affairs. First, in General; (b) because where

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ever good Order in Government and Obedience hath been once admitted, it has been always retained; and in particular, certain Forms of Government have continued for many Ages; as that of Kings among the Assyrians, Aegyptians and Franks; and that of Aristocracy among the Venetians. Now though Humane Wisdom may go a good way towards this; yet if it be duly considered, what a Multitude of wicked Men there are, how many external Evils, how liable Things are in their own Nature to change; we can hard-<20>ly imagine any Government should subsist so long without the peculiar Care of the Deity. And this is more visible where it has pleased God (a) to change the Government; For all Things (even those which do not depend upon Humane Prudence) succeed beyond their Wish (which they do not ordinarily in the variety of Humane Events) to those whom God has appointed Instruments for this Purpose, as it were destined by him; (suppose Cyrus, Alexander, Caesar the Dictator, (b) the Cingi amongst the Tartars, (c) Namcaa amongst the Chinese:) Which wonderful Agreeableness of Events, and all conspiring to a certain End, is a manifest Indication of a Provident Direction. For though a Man may now and then throw a particular Cast on a Die by Chance; yet if he should do it a hundred times together, every Body would conclude there was some Art in it.

Sect. XIII. And by Miracles.

But the most certain Proof of Divine Providence is from Miracles, and the Predictions we find in Histories: It is true indeed, that a great many of

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those Relations are fabulous; but there is no Reason to dis-believe those which are attested by credible Witnesses, to have been in their Time, Men whose Judgment and Integrity have never been called in question. For since God is All-<21>knowing and All-powerful, why should we think him not able to signify his Knowledge or his Resolution to Act, out of the ordinary Course of Nature, which is his Appointment, and subject to his Direction and Government? If any one should object against this, that inferior intelligent Agents may be the Cause of them, it is readily granted; and this tends to make us believe it the more easily of God: Beside, whatever of this Nature is done by such Beings, we conceive God does by them, or wisely permits them to do them; in the same manner as in well regulated Kingdoms, nothing is done otherwise than the Law directs, but by the Will of the Supreme Governor.

Sect. XIV. But more especially amongst the Jews, who ought to be credited upon the account of the long Continuance of their Religion.

Now that some Miracles have really been seen, (though it should seem doubtful from the Credit of all other Histories) the Jewish Religion alone may easily convince us: which though it has been a long time destitute of Humane Assistance, nay exposed to Contempt and Mockery, yet it remains (a) to this very Day, in almost all parts of the World; <22> when

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(a) all other Religions (except the Christian, which is as it were the Perfection of the Jewish) have either disappeared as soon as they were forsaken by the Civil Power and Authority, (as all the Pagan Religions did;) or else they are yet maintained by the same Power as Mahometanism is: For if any one should ask, whence it is that the Jewish Religion hath taken so deep Root in the Minds of all the Hebrews, as never to be plucked out; there can be no other possible Cause assigned or imagined than this; That the present Jews received it from their Parents, and they from theirs, and so on, till you come to the Age in which Moses and Joshua lived; they received, I say, (b) by a certain and uninterrupted Tradition, the Miracles which were worked as in other Places, so more especially at their coming out of Aegypt, in their Journey, and at their Entrance into Canaan; of all which, their Ancestors themselves were Witnesses. Nor is it in the least credible, that a People of so obstinate a Disposition, could ever be persuaded any otherwise, to submit to a Law loaded with so many Rites and <23> Ceremonies; or that wise Men, amongst the many Distinctions of Religion which Humane Reason might invent, should chuse Circumcision; which could not be performed (c) without great Pain, and (d) was laughed at by all Strangers, and had nothing to recommend it but the Authority of God.

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Sect. XV. From the Truth and Antiquity of Moses.

This also gives the greatest Credit imaginable to the Writings of Moses, in which these Miracles are recorded to Posterity; not only because there was a settled Opinion and constant Tradition amongst the Jews, that this Moses was appointed by the express Command of God himself to be the Leader and Captain of this People; but also because (as is very evident) he did not make his own Glory and Advantage his principal Aim, because He himself relates those Errors of his own, which He could have concealed; and delivered the Regal and Sacerdotal Dignity to others, (permitting his own Posterity to be reduced only to common Levites.) All which plainly show, that he had no occasion to falsify in his History; as the Style of it further evinces, it being free from that Varnish and Colour, which uses to give Credit to Romances; and is very natural and easy, and agreeable to the Matter of which it treats. Moreover, another Argument for the undoubted Antiquity of Moses’s Writings, which no other Writings can pretend to, is this; That the Greeks (from whom all other Nations derived their Learning) own, that they (a) had their Letters from others; which

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Letters <24> of theirs, have the same Order, Name (a) and Shape, as the Syriack or Hebrew: And further still, the most antient (b) Attick Laws, from whence the <25> Roman were afterwards taken, owe their Original to the Law of Moses.

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Sect. XVI. From Foreign Testimonies.

To these we may add the Testimony of a great Number, who were Strangers to the Jewish Religion, which shows that the most ancient Tradition among all Nations, is exactly agreeable to the Relation of Moses. For his Description of the Original of the World, is almost the very same as in the (a) ancient Phoenician Histories which are tran-<26>slated by Philo Biblius

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from Sanchuniathon’s Col-<27><28>lection; and a good Part of it is to be found (a) among the Indians (b) and Egyptians; whence it is,

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<29><30> that, (a) in Linus, (b) Hesiod, and many other <31> Greek Writers, mention is made of a Chaos, (sig-<32>nified by some under the Name

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of an Egg,) and of the framing of Animals, and also of Man’s Formation after the Divine Image, and the Dominion given him over all living Creatures; which are to be seen in many Writers, particularly (a) in <33> Ovid,

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who transcribed them from the Greek. That <34> all Things were made by the Word of God, is <35> asserted by (a) Epicharmus, and (b) the

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Platonists; <36> and before them, by the most antient Writer, (I do not mean of those Hymns which go under his Name,) but of those Verses which were (a) of Old called Orpheus’s; not because Orpheus composed

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them, but because they contained his Doctrines. (a) And <37> Empedocles acknowledged, that the Sun was not the Original Light, but the Receptacle of Light, (the Storehouse and Vehicle of Fire, as the antient Christians express it.) (b) Aratus, and (c) Catullus thought the Divine Residence was above the starry Orb; in which, Homer says, there is a continual Light. (d) Thales taught from the antient Schools, That God was the oldest of Beings, because not Begotten; that the World was most beautiful, because the Workmanship of God; that Darkness was before Light, which latter we find (e) in Orpheus’s Verses, (f) and Hesiod; whence it was, that (g) the <38> Nations who were most tenacious of antient

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Customs, reckoned the Time by Nights. (a) Anaxagoras affirmed, that all Things were regulated by the Supreme Mind; (b) Aratus, that the <39> Stars were made by God; (c) Virgil, from the Greeks, that Life was infused

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into Things by the Spirit of God; (a) Hesiod, (b) Homer, <40> and (c)

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Callimachus, that Man was formed of Clay; lastly, (a) Maximus Tyrius asserts, that it <41> was a constant Tradition received by all Nations, that there was One Supreme God, the Cause of all Things. And we learn (b) from Josephus, (c) Philo, (d) Tibullus, (e) Clemens Alexandrinus, and (f)

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Lucian (for I need not mention the Hebrews) that the Memory of the Seven Days Work was preserved not only among the Greeks and Italians, by honouring the Seventh Day; but also (a) amongst the Celtae and Indians, who all measured the Time by Weeks; as we learn from (b) Philostratus, (c) Dion <42> Cassius, and Justin Martyr; and also (d) the most ancient Names of the Days. The Egyptians tell us, that at first Men led their Lives (e) in great Simplicity, (f) their Bodies being naked; whence arose the Poet’s Fiction of the Golden Age, famous among the Indians, (g)

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as Strabo remarks. (a) Mai-<43>monides takes notice, that (b) the History of Adam, of Eve, of the Tree, and of the Serpent, was extant amongst the idolatrous Indians in his Time: And there are many (c) Witnesses in our Age, who testify, that the same is still to be found amongst the Heathen dwelling in Peru, and the Phillippine Islands, People belonging to the same India; the Name of Adam amongst the Brachmans; and that it was reckoned (d) Six Thousand Years since the Creation of the World, by those of Siam. (e) Berosus in his History of Chaldea, Manethos in <44> his of Egypt, Hierom in his of Phoenicia, Hestiaeus, Hecataeus, Hillanicus in theirs of Greece; and Hesiod among the Poets; all assert, that the Lives of those who descended from the first Men, were almost a thousand Years in length; which is the less incredible, because the Historians of many

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Nations, (particularly (a) Pausanias and (b) Philostratus amongst the Greeks, and (c) Pliny amongst the <45> Romans) relate, that (d) Mens

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Bodies, upon opening their Sepulchres, were found to be much larger in old time. And (a) Catullus, after many of the <46> Greeks, relates, that divine Visions were made to Men before their great and manifold Crimes did as it were, hinder God and (b) those Spirits that attend him, from holding any Correspondence with Men. We almost every where (c) in the Greek and (d) Latin Historians, meet with the Savage Life of the Giants, mentioned by Moses. And it is very remarkable concerning the Deluge, that the Memory of almost all Nations ends in the History of it, even those Nations which were unknown till our Forefathers discovered them: (e) So that Varro calls all that the unknown Time. <47> And all those

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Things which we read in the Poets wrapped up in Fables, (a Liberty they allow themselves,) are delivered by the ancient Writers according to Truth and Reality, that is, agreeable to Moses; as you may see in Berosus’s (a) History of Chaldea, (b) Abydenus’s of <48><49> Assyria, (c) who mentions

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the Dove that was sent out of the Ark; and in Plutarch from the Greeks; (a) and in Lucian, who says, that in Hierapolis of <50> Syria, there

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was remaining a most antient History of the Ark, and of the preserving a few not only of Mankind, but also of other living Creatures. The same History was extant also in (a) Molo and in (b) Nicolaus Damascenus; which latter names the <51> Ark, which we also find in the History of Deucalion in Apollodorus: And many Spaniards affirm, that in several (c)

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Parts of America, as Cuba, Mecho acana, Nicaraga, is preserved the Memory of the Deluge, the saving alive of Animals, especially the Raven and Dove; and the Deluge it self in that Part called Golden Castile. (a) That Remark of Pliny’s, that Joppa was built before the Flood, discovers what Part of the Earth Men inhabited before the Flood. The Place where the Ark rested after the Deluge (b) on the Gordyaean Mountains, is evident from the constant Tradition of the Armenians from all past Ages down (c) to this <52> very Day. (d) Japhet, the Father of the Europeans, and from him, Jon, or, as they formerly pronounced it, (e) Javon of the Greeks, and

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(a) Hammon of the Africans, are Names to be seen in Moses, (b) and Josephus and others observe the like <53> Footsteps in the Names of other Places and Na-<54>tions. And which of the Poets is it, in which we

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<55><56> do not find mention made of the (a) Attempt to <57> climb

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the Heavens? (a) Diodorus Siculus, (b) Strabo, (c) <58> Tacitus, (d) Pliny,

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(a) Solinus speak of the Burning of Sodom. (b) Herodotus, Diodo-<59>rus (c),

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Strabo (a), Philo Byblius (b), testify the ancient Custom of Circumcision, which is confirmed by those Nations (c) descended from Abraham, not only Hebrews, but also (d) Idumaeans, <60> (e) Ismaelites, (f) and others.

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The History of <61> Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Joseph, agreeable with Moses, (a) was extant of old in (b) Philo Byblius out of Sanchuniathon, in (c) Berosus, (d) Hecataeus, (e) <62> Damascenus, (f) Arta panus, Eupolemus,

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Demetrius, and partly (a) in the antient Writers of the Orphick Verses; and something of it is still extant in (b) Justin, out of Trogus Pompeius. (c) By almost <63> all which, is related also the History of Moses, and his principal Acts. The Orphick Verses expressly mention (d) his being taken

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out of the Water, and the two Tables that were given him by God. To these we may add (a) Polemon. (b) And <64> several Things about his coming out of Egypt, from the Egyptian Writers, Manetho, Lysimachus, Chaeremon. Neither can any prudent Man think it at all credible, that Moses, (c) who had so many Enemies, not only of the Egyptians, but also of many other Nations, as the (d) Idumaeans, (e) Arabians, and (f) Phoenicians, would venture to relate any thing concerning the Creation of the World, or the Original of Things, which could be confuted by more antient Writings, or was contradictory to the antient and received Opinions:

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or that he would relate any thing of Matters in his own Time, that could be confuted by the Testimony of many <65> Persons then alive. (a) Diodorus Siculus, and (b) <66> Strabo, and (c) Pliny, (d) Tacitus, and after them (e) Dionysius Longinus, (concerning Loftiness of Speech) make

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mention of Moses. (a) Besides the <67> Talmudists, (b) Pliny, and (c) Apuleius, speak of Jamnes and Mambres, who resisted Moses in Egypt. (d) Some things there are in other Writers, and many things amongst the (e)

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Pythagoreans, <68> about the Law and Rites given by Moses, (a) Strabo and Justin, out of Trogus, remarkably testify concerning the Religion and Righteousness of the ancient Jews: So that there seems to be no need of mentioning what is found, or has formerly been found, of Joshua and others, agreeable to the Hebrew Books; seeing that whoever gives Credit to Moses (which it is a Shame for any one to refuse) cannot but believe those famous Miracles done by the Hand of God; which is the principal Thing here aimed at. Now that the Miracles of later Date, such as those of (b) Elijah, Elishah and others, should not be Counterfeit, there is this further Argument; that in those Times Judaea was become more known, and because of the Difference of Religion, was hated by the Neighbours, who could very easily confute the first <69> Rise of a Lie. The History of Jonah’s being three Days in the Whale’s Belly, is in (c) Lycophron, and

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Aeneas Gazaeus, only under the Name of Hercules, to advance whose Fame, every thing that was great and noble used to be related of him, as (a) Tacitus observes. Certainly nothing but the manifest Evidence of the History could compel Julian (who was as great an Enemy to the Jews as to the Christians) to confess (b) that there were some Men inspired by the Divine Spirit amongst the Jews, (c) and that Fire descended from Heaven, and consumed the Sacrifices of Moses and Elias. And here it is worthy of Ob-<70>servation, that there was not only very (d) severe Punishments threatned amongst the Hebrews, to any who should falsely assume the Gift of Prophecy; (e) but very many Kings, who by that means might have procured great Authority to themselves; and many learned men, (f) such as Esdras and others, dared not to assume this Honour to themselves; (g) nay, some Ages before Christ’s Time, no body dared to do it. Much

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less could so many thousand People be imposed upon, in avouching a constant and publick Miracle, I mean (a) <71> that of the Oracle, (b) which shined on the High Priest’s Breast, which is so firmly believed by all the Jews to have remained till the Destruction of the first Temple, that their Ancestors must of necessity be well assured of the Truth of it.

SECT. XVII. The same proved also from Predictions.

There is another Argument to prove the Providence of God, very like to this of Miracles, and no less powerful, drawn from the foretelling of future Events, which was very often and very expressly done amongst the Hebrews; such as the (c) Man’s being childless who should rebuild

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Jericho; the destroying the Altar of Bethel, by King Josiah by Name, (a) above three hundred Years be-<72>fore it came to pass; so also Isaiah foretold the (b) very Name and principal Acts of Cyrus; and Jeremiah the Event of the Siege of Jerusalem, after it was surrounded by the Chaldaeans; and Daniel (c) the Translation of the Empire from the Assyrians, to the Medes and Persians, and (d) from them to Alexander of Macedon, (e) whose Successors to part of his Kingdom should be the Posterity of Lagus and Seleucus, and what Evils the Hebrews should undergo from all these, particularly (f) the famous Antiochus, so very plainly, (g) that Porphyry, who compared the Graecian Histories extant in his Time with the Prophecies, could not make it out any other way, but by saying, that the Things ascribed to Daniel, were wrote after they came to pass; which is the same as if any one should deny that what is now extant under the Name of Virgil, and was always thought to be his, <73> was writ by him in Augustus’s Time. For there was never any more doubt amongst the Hebrews concerning the one, than there was amongst the Romans concerning the other. To all which may be added the many and express Oracles (h) amongst those

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of Mexico and Peru, which foretold the coming of the Spaniards into those Parts, and the Calamities that would follow.

And by other Arguments.

(a) To this may be referred very many Dreams exactly agreeing with the Events, which both as to themselves and their Causes, were so utterly unknown to those that dreamed them, that they cannot without great Shamelessness be attributed to natural Causes; of which kind the best Writers afford us eminent Examples. (b) Tertullian has <74> made a Collection of them in his Book of the Soul; and (c) Ghosts have not only

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been seen, but also heard to speak, as we are told by those Historians who have been far from superstitious Credulity; and by Witnesses in our own Age, who lived in Sina, Mexico, and other Parts of America; neither ought we to pass by (a) that com-<75>mon Method of examining Persons Innocence by walking over red hot Plow-shares, viz. Fire Ordeal, mentioned in so many Histories of the German Nation, and in their very Laws.

SECT. XVIII. The Objection of Miracles not being seen now, answered.

Neither is there any Reason why any one should object against what has been said, because no such Miracles are now seen, nor no such Predictions heard. For it is sufficient to prove a Divine Providence, that there ever have been such. Which being once established, it will follow, that we ought to think God Almighty forbears them now, for as wise and prudent Reasons, as he before did them. Nor is it fit that the Laws given to the Universe for the natural Course of Things, and that what is future might be uncertain, should always, or without good Reason be suspended, but then only, when there was a sufficient Cause; as there was at that time when the Worship of the true God was banished almost out of the World,

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being confined only to a small Corner of it, viz. Judaea; and was to be defended from that Wickedness which surrounded it, by frequent Assistance. Or when the Christian Religion, con-<76>cerning which we shall afterwards particularly treat, was, by the Determination of God, to be spread all over the World.

SECT XIX. And of there being so much Wickedness.

Some Men are apt to doubt of a Divine Providence, because they see so much Wickedness practised, that the World is in a manner overwhelmed with it like a Deluge: Which they contend should be the Business of Divine Providence, if there were any, to hinder or suppress. But the Answer to such, is very easy. When God made Man a free agent, and at liberty to do well or ill, (reserving to himself alone a necessary and immutable Goodness) (a) it was not fit that he should put such a Restraint upon evil Actions, as was in-<77>consistent with this Liberty. But whatever Means of hindering them, were not repugnant to such Liberty; as establishing and promulging a Law, external and internal Warnings, together with Threatnings and Promises; none of these were neglected by God: Neither would he suffer the Effects of Wickedness to spread to the furthest;

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so that Government was never utterly subverted, nor the Knowledge of the Divine Laws entirely extinguished. And even those Crimes that were permitted, as we hinted before, were not without their Advantages, when made use of either to punish those who were equally wicked, or to chastise those who were slipt out of the way of Virtue, or else to procure some eminent Example of Patience and Constancy in those who had made a great Progress in Virtue. (a) Lastly, Even they themselves whose Crimes seemed to be overlooked for a time, were for the most part punished with a proportionable Punishment, that the Will of God might be executed against them, who acted contrary to his Will.

SECT. XX. And that so great, as to oppress good Men.

And if at any time Vice should go unpunished, or, which is wont to offend many weak Persons, some good Men, oppressed by the Fury of the Wicked, should not only lead a troublesome Life, but also undergo an infamous Death; we must not presently from hence conclude against a Divine Providence, which, as we have before ob-<78>served, is established by such strong Arguments; but rather, with the wisest Men, draw this following Inference:

SECT. XXI. This may be turned upon them, so as to prove that Souls survive Bodies.

That since God has a Regard to humane Actions, who is himself just; and yet these things come to pass in the mean time; we ought to expect a Judgment after this Life, lest either remarkable Wickedness should continue unpunished, or eminent Virtue go unrewarded and fail of Happiness.

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SECT. XXII. Which is confirmed by Tradition.

In (a) order to establish this, we must first shew that Souls remain after they are separated from their Bodies; which is a most ancient Tradition, derived from our first Parents (whence else could it come?) to almost all civilized People; as appears (b) from Homer’s Verses, (c) and from the Philosophers, not only the Greek, but also the ancient Gauls (d) which were called Druids, <79> (e) and the Indians called Brachmans, and from those Things which many Writers have related (f) concerning the Egyptians (g) and Thracians, and also of the Germans. And moreover concerning a Divine Judgment after this Life, we find many Things extant, not only

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among the Greeks, (a) but <80> also among the Egyptians (b) and Indians, as Strabo, Diogenes, Laertius, and (c) Plutarch tell us: To which we may add a Tradition that the World should be burnt, which was found of Old (d) in Hystaspes and the Sybils, and now also (e) in Ovid (f) and

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<81> Lucan, and amongst (a) the Indians in Siam; a Token of which, is the Sun’s approaching nearer to the Earth, (b) observed by Astronomers. So likewise upon the first going into the Canary Islands and America, and other distant Places, the same Opinion, concerning Souls and Judgment, was found there.

SECT. XXIII. And no way repugnant to Reason.

(c) Neither can we find any Argument drawn from Nature, which overthrows this an an-<82>cient and extensive Tradition: For all those Things which seem to us to be destroyed, are either destroyed by the Opposition of something more powerful than themselves, as Cold is destroyed by the greater Force of Heat; or by taking away the Subject upon which they depend, as the Magnitude of a Glass, by breaking it; or by the Defect of the <83> efficient Cause, as Light by the Absence of the Sun. But none of these can be applied to the Mind; not the first, because nothing can be conceived contrary to the Mind; nay, such is the peculiar Nature of it, that it is capable equally, and at the same time, of contrary Things in its

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own, that is, in an intellectual Manner. Not the second, because there is no Subject upon which the Nature of the Soul depends; (a) for if there were any, it would be a Humane Body; and that it is not so, appears from hence, that when the Strength of the Body fails by Action, the Mind only

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does not contract any Weariness by acting. (a) Also the Powers of the Body suffer by the too great Power of the Things, which are the Objects of them, as Sight by the Light of the Sun, (b) But the Mind is <84> rendred the more perfect, by how much the more excellent the Things are, about which it is conversant; as about Figures abstracted from Matter, and about universal Propositions. The Powers of the Body are exercised about those Things which are limited by Time and Place, but the Mind about that which is Infinite and Eternal. Therefore, since the Mind in its Operations does not depend upon the Body, so neither does its Existence depend upon it; for we cannot judge of the Nature of those Things which we do not see, but from their Operations. Neither has the third Method of being destroyed, any Place here: For there is no Efficient Cause from which the Mind continually flows: Not the Parents, because the Children live after they are dead. If we allow any Cause at all from whence the Mind flows, it can be no other than the first and universal Cause, which, as to its Power, can never fail; and as to its Will, that That should fail, that is, that God should will the Soul to be destroyed, this can never be proved by any Arguments.

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SECT. XXIV. But many Things favour it.

Nay, there are many not inconsiderable Arguments for the contrary; such as (a) the absolute Power every Man has over his own Actions; a <85> natural Desire of Immortality; the Power of Conscience, which comforts him when he has performed any good Actions, though never so difficult; and, on the contrary, (b) torments him when he has done any bad Thing, especially at the Approach of Death, as it were with a Sense of impending Judgment; (c) the Force of which, many times could not be extinguished by the worst of Tyrants, tho’ they have endeavoured it never so much; as appears by many Examples.

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SECT. XXV. From whence it follows, that the End of Man is Happiness after this Life.

If then the Soul be of such a Nature, as contains in it no Principles of Corruption; and God has given us many Tokens, by which we ought to <86> understand, that his Will is, it should remain after the Body; there can be no End of Man proposed more worthy of Him, than the Happiness of that State; and this is what Plato and the Pythagoreans said, (a) that the End of Man was to be made most like to God. Thus what Happiness is, and how to be secured, Men may make some Conjectures; but if there be any thing concerning it, revealed from God, that ought to be esteemed, most true and most certain.

SECT. XXVI. Which we must secure, by finding out the true Religion.

Now since the Christian Religion recommends itself above all others, whether we ought to give Credit to it or no, shall be the Business of the second Part of this Work to examine. <87>

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BOOK II

Sect. I. That the Christian Religion is true.

The Design then of this second Book (after having put up our Petitions to Christ the King of Heaven, that he would afford us such Assistances of his holy Spirit, as may render us sufficient for so great a Business) is not to treat particularly of all the Opinions in Christianity; but only to show that the Christian Religion it self is most true and certain; which we attempt thus.

Sect. II. The Proof that there was such a Person as Jesus.

That Jesus of Nazareth formerly lived in Judaea in the Reign of Tiberius the Roman Emperor, is constantly acknowledged, not only by Christians dispersed all over the World, but also by all the Jews which now are, or have ever wrote since that time; the same is also testified by Heathens, that is, such as did not write either of the Jewish, or of the Christian Religion, (a) Suetonius, (b) <88> Tacitus, (c) Pliny the Younger, and many after these.

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That he died an ignominious Death.

That the same Jesus was crucified by Pontius Pilate, the President of Judaea, is acknowledged by all the same Christians, notwithstanding it might seem dishonourable to them who worship such a <89> Lord. (a) It is also acknowledged by the Jews, though they are not ignorant how much they lie under the Displeasure of the Christians, under whose Government they every where live, upon this Account, because their Ancestors were the Cause of Pilate’s doing it. Likewise the Heathen Writers we mentioned, have recorded the same to Posterity; (b) and a long Time after, the Acts of Pilate were extant, to which the Christians sometimes appealed. Neither did Julian, or other Opposers of Christianity, ever call it in Question. So that no History can be imagined more certain than this; which is confirmed by the Testimonies, I don’t say of so many Men, but of so many People, which differed from each other. (c) Notwithstanding

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which we find Him worshipped as Lord, throughout the most distant Countries of the World.

Sect. III. And yet, after his Death, was worshipped by wise Men.

And that, not only in our Age, or those immediately foregoing; but also even in the first, the Age next to that in which it was done, in the Reign of the Emperor Nero; at which time the forementioned Tacitus, and others attest, that very many were punished because they professed the Worship of Christ. <90>

Sect. IV. The Cause of which could be no other, but those Miracles which were done by him.

And there were always very many amongst the Worshippers of Christ, who were Men of good Judgment, and of no small Learning; such as (not to mention Jews) (a) Sergius the President of Cyprus, (b) Dionysius the Areopagite, (c) Polycarp, (d) Justin, (e) Irenaeus, (f) Athenagoras, (g) Origen, (h) Tertullian, (i) Clemens Alexandrinus, and others: Who being

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such Men; why they should themselves be Worshippers of a Man that was put to an ignominious Death, especially when almost all of them were brought up in other Religions, and there was neither Honour nor Profit to be had by the Christian Religion: Why, I say, they should do thus, there can be no Reason given but this one, that upon a diligent enquiry, such as becomes prudent Men to make in a matter of the highest Concern to them, they found that the Report which was spread abroad concerning the Miracles that were done by him, was true, and founded upon sufficient Testi-<91>mony: Such as healing sore Diseases, and those of a long Continuance, only by a Word, and this publickly; restoring Sight to him that was born blind; increasing Bread for the feeding of many thousands, who were all Witnesses of it; restoring the Dead to Life again, and many other such like.

Sect. V. Which Miracles cannot be ascribed to any Natural or Diabolical Power, but must be from God.

Which Report had so certain and undoubted a Foundation, that neither (a) Celsus, nor (b) Julian, when they wrote against the Christians, dared to deny that some Miracles were done by Christ; (c) the Hebrews also confess it openly in the Books of the Talmud. That they were not performed by any natural Power, sufficiently appears from hence, that they are called Wonders or Miracles; nor can it ever be, that grievous Distempers should be healed immediately, only by a Word speaking, or a Touch, by the Power of Nature. If those Works could have been accounted for by any natural Efficacy, it would have been said so at first by those, who either professed themselves Enemies of Christ when he was upon Earth, or of his Gospel. By the like Argument we gather, that they were not juggling

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Tricks, because very many of the Works were done openly, (a) the People looking on; and <92> amongst the People many learned Men, who bore no good Will to Christ, who observed all his Works. To which we may add, that the like Works were often repeated, and the Effects were not of a short Continuance, but lasting. All which rightly considered, as it ought to be, it will plainly follow, according to the Jews own Confession, that these Works were done by some Power more than humane, that is, by some good or bad Spirit: That these Works were not the Effects of any bad Spirit, is from hence evident, that this Doctrine of Christ, for the Proof of which these Works were performed, was opposite to those evil Spirits: For it forbids the Worship of evil Spirits; it draws Men off from all Immorality, in which such Spirits delight. It appears also from the things themselves, that wherever this Doctrine has been received, the Worship of Daemons and (b) Magical Arts have ceased; and the one God has been worshipped, with an Abhorrence of Daemons; whose Strength and Power (c) Porphyry acknowledges were broken upon the coming of Christ. And it is not at all credible, that any evil Spirits should be so imprudent, as to do those things, and that very often, from which no Honour or Advantage could arise to them, but on the contrary, great Loss and Disgrace. Neither is it any way consistent with the Goodness or Wisdom of God, that he should be thought to suffer Men, who were free from all wicked Designs, and who feared him, to be de-<93>ceived by the Cunning of Devils; and such were the first Disciples of Christ, as is manifest from their unblameable Life, and their suffering very many Calamities for Conscience-sake. If any one should say, that these Works were done by good Beings, who yet are inferior to God; this is to confess, that they were well-pleasing to God, and redounded to his Honour; because good Beings do nothing but what is acceptable to God, and for his Glory. Not to mention, that some of the Works of Christ were such as seem to declare

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God himself to be the Author of them, such as the raising more than one of those that were dead, to Life. Moreover, God neither does, nor suffers Miracles to be done, without a Reason; for it does not become a wise Lawgiver to depart from his Laws, without a Reason, and that a weighty one. Now no other Reason can be given, why these things were done, but that which is alledged by Christ, viz. (a) to give Credit to his Doctrine; nor could they who beheld them, conceive any other Reason in their Minds: Amongst whom, since there were many of a pious Disposition, as was said before, it would be prophane to think God should do them to impose upon such. And this was the sole Reason why many of the Jews, who lived near the time of Jesus, (b) who yet could <94> not be brought to depart from any thing of the Law given by Moses, (such as they who were called Nazarens and Ebionites,) nevertheless owned Jesus to be a Teacher sent from Heaven.

Sect. VI. The Resurrection of Christ proved from credible Testimony.

Christ’s coming to Life again in a wonderful Manner, after his Crucifixion, Death and Burial, affords us no less good an Argument for those Miracles that were done by him. For the Christians of all times and places, assert this not only for a Truth, but as the principal Foundation of their

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Faith: Which could not be, unless they who first taught the Christian Faith, had fully persuaded their Hearers, that the thing did come to pass. Now they could not fully persuade Men of any Judgment of this, unless they affirmed themselves to be Eye-witnesses of it; for without such an Affirmation, no Man in his Senses would have believed them, especially at that time when such a Belief was attended with so many Evils and Dangers. That this was affirmed by them with great Constancy, their own Books, (a) and the Books <95> of others, tell us; nay, it appears from those Books, that they appealed to (b) five hundred Witnesses, who saw Jesus after he was risen from the Dead. Now it is not usual for those that speak Untruths, to appeal to so many Witnesses. Nor is it possible so many Men should agree to bear a false Testimony. And if there had been no other Witnesses, but those twelve known first Propagators of the Christian Doctrine, it had been sufficient. No Body has any ill Design for nothing. They could not hope for any Honour from saying what was not true, because all the Honours were in the Power of the Heathens and Jews, by whom they were reproached and contemptuously treated: Nor for Riches, because, on the contrary, this Profession was often attended with the Loss of their Goods, if they had any; and if it had been otherwise, yet the Gospel could not have been taught by them, but with the Neglect of their temporal Goods. Nor could any other Advantages of this Life provoke them to speak a Falsity, when the very preaching of the Gospel exposed them to Hardship, to Hunger and Thirst, to Stripes and Imprisonment. Fame amongst themselves only was not so great, that for the sake thereof, Men of upright Intentions, whose Lives and Tenets were free from Pride and Ambition, should undergo so many Evils. Nor had they any Ground to hope, that their Opinion, which was so repugnant to Nature, (which is wholly bent upon its own <96> Advantages,)

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and to the Authority which every where governed, could make so great a Progress, but from a Divine Promise. Further, they could not promise to themselves that this Fame, whatever it was, would be lasting, because, (God on purpose concealing his Intention in this Matter from them) they expected that (a) the End of the whole World was just at hand, as is plain from their own Writings, and those of the Christians that came after them. It remains therefore, that they must be said to have uttered a Falsity, for the sake of defending their Religion; which, if we consider the thing aright, can never be said of them; for either they believed from their Heart that their Religion was true, or they did not believe it. If they had not believed it to have been the best, they would never have chosen it from all other Religions, which were more safe and honourable. Nay, though they believed it to be true, they would not have made Profession of it, unless they had believed such a Profession necessary; especially when they could easily foresee, and they quickly learnt by experience, that such a Profession would be attended with the Death of a vast Number; and they would have been guilty of the highest Wickedness, to have given such Occasion, without a just Reason. If they believed their Religion to be true, nay, that it was the best, and ought to be professed by all means, and this after the Death of their Master; it was impossible this should be, if their Master’s Promise concerning his Resurrection had failed <97> them; (b) for this had been sufficient to any Man in his Senses to have overthrown that Belief which he had before entertained. Again, all Religion, but particularly the Christian Religion, forbids (c) Lying and False Witness, especially in Divine Matters: They could not therefore be moved to tell a Lye, out of Love to Religion, especially such a Religion. To all which may be added, that they were Men who led such a Life, as was not blamed even by their Adversaries; and who had no Objection made

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against them, (a) but only their Simplicity, the Nature of which is the most distant that can be from forging a Lie. And there was none of them who did not undergo even the most grievous things, for their Profession of the Resurrection of Jesus. Many of them endured the most exquisite Death for this Testimony. Now, suppose it possible that any Man in his Wits could undergo such things for an Opinion he had entertained in his Mind; yet for a Falsity, and which is known to be a Falsity; that not only one Man, but very many, should be willing to endure such Hardships, is a thing plainly incredible. And that they were not mad, both their Lives and their Writings sufficiently testify. What has been said of these first, the same may also be said of Paul, (b) who openly declared that he saw <98> Christ reigning in Heaven, (c) and he did not want the Learning of the Jews, but had great Prospect of Honour, if he had trod in the Paths of his Fathers. But on the contrary, he thought it his Duty for this Profession, to expose himself to the Hatred of his Relations; and to undertake difficult, dangerous and troublesome Voyages all over the World, and at last to suffer an ignominious Death.

Sect. VII. The Objection drawn from the seeming Impossibility of a Resurrection, answered.

Indeed, no Body can withstand the Credibility of so many and so great Testimonies, without saying that a thing of this Nature is impossible to be, such as we say all things that imply a Contradiction are. (d) But this

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cannot be said of it. It <99> might indeed, if any one should affirm, that the same Person was alive and dead at the same time: But that a dead Man should be restored to Life, by the Power of him who first gave Life to Man, (a) there is no Reason why this should be thought impossible. Neither did wise Men believe it to be impossible: For Plato relates it of (b) Er the Armenian; (c) Heraclides Ponticus, of a certain Woman; (d) Herodotus, of Aristaeus; and (e) Plu-<100>tarch, out of another; which, whether they were true or false, shows the Opinion of learned Men, concerning the Possibility of the thing.

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The Truth of Jesus’s Doctrine proved from his Resurrection.

If it be not impossible that Christ should return to Life again, and if it be proved from sufficient Testimonies, such as convinced (a) Bechai a Teacher of the Jews, so far as to acknowledge the Truth of it; and Christ himself (as both his own Disciples and Strangers confess) declared a new Doctrine as by a Divine Command: it will certainly follow that this Doctrine is true; because it is repugnant to the Justice and Wisdom of God to bestow such Endowments upon him who had been guilty of a Falsity in a Matter of so great Moment. Especially when he had before his Death declared to his Disciples that he should die, and what Manner of Death; and that he should return to Life again; (b) and that these things should therefore come to pass, that they might confirm the Truth of his Doctrine.

Sect. VIII. That the Christian Religion exceeds all others.

These Arguments are drawn from Matters of Fact; we come now to those which are drawn from the Nature of the Doctrine. Certainly all manner of Worship of God must be rejected; (which can never enter into any Man’s Mind, <101> who has any Sense of the Existence of God, and of his Government of the Creation; and who considers the Excellency of Man’s Understanding, and the Power of chusing moral Good or Evil, with which he is endued, and consequently that the Cause, as of Reward, so of Punishment, is in himself;) or else he must receive this Religion, not only upon the Testimony of the Facts, which we have now treated of; but likewise for the sake of those Things that are intrinsical in Religion; since there cannot be Any produced, in any Age or Nation, whose Rewards are more excellent, or whose Precepts are more perfect, or the Method in which it was commanded to be propagated, more wonderful.

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Sect. IX. The Excellency of the Reward proposed.

To begin with the Reward, that is, with the End proposed to Man; because, as we are used to say, that which is the Last in Execution, is the First in Intention; (a) Moses, in his Institution of the Jewish Religion, if we regard the express Condition of the Law, made no Promises beyond the good Things of this Life; such as a fruitful Land, abundance of Riches, Victory over their Enemies, long Life and Health, and Hope of their Posterities surviving them. And if there be any thing more, it is only obscurely hinted, and must be collected from wise and strong Arguing; Which is the Reason why many who professed to follow the Law of Moses ((b) as the Sadducees) cast off all <102> Hope of enjoying any Good after this Life. The Greeks, who derived their Learning from the Chaldeans and Egyptians, and who had some Hope of another Life after this, (c) spoke very doubtfully concerning it, as is evident (d) from the Disputes of Socrates, and from the Writings of (e) Tully, (f) Seneca, (g) and others.

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And tho’ they searched <103> diligently for Arguments to prove it, they could offer nothing of Certainty. For those which they alledge, (a) hold generally as strong for Beasts as they do for Men. Which when some of them considered, it is no wonder, that they imagined that Souls (b) passed out of Men into Beasts, and out of Beasts into Men. Again, because this could not be proved by any Testimonies, nor by any certain Arguments, and yet it could not be denied but that there must be some End proposed for Man; therefore others were led to say, (c) that Virtue was its own Reward, and that a wise Man was very happy, though in Phalaris’s Bull. But others disliked this, and not without Reason; for they saw very well, that Happiness, especially in the highest Degree (unless we regard only the Sound of Words, without any Meaning) could not (d) consist in that which is <104> attended with Danger, Loss, Torment, and Death: And therefore they placed the chief Good and End of Man, in sensual Pleasure. And this Opinion likewise was solidly confuted by very many, as a Thing which overthrew all Virtue, the Seeds of which are planted

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in the Mind; and degraded Man, who was made for nobler Purposes, to the Rank of Brute Creatures, who look no further than the Earth. In so many Doubts and Uncertainties did Mankind at that time wander, till Christ discovered the true Knowledge of their End, promising to his Disciples and Followers another Life after this, in which there should be no more Death, Pain, or Sorrow, but accompanied with the highest Joy; And this not only to one Part of Man, that is, his Soul, of whose Happiness after this Life there was some Hope, partly from Conjecture, and partly from Tradition; but also to the Body, and that very justly, that the Body which oftentimes ought to endure great Losses, Torments and Death, for the sake of the Divine Law, might not go without a Recompense. And the Joys which are promised, are not such mean Things (a) as those Feasts, which the duller Jews hoped for after this Life, (b) and the Embraces which the Mahometans promise to themselves; for these are only proper Remedies for the Mortality of this frail Life; the former for the Preservation of particular Animals, and the latter for the Continuance of their Species: But the Body will be in a perpetual Vigour, and its Brightness will exceed the Stars. The Mind will have a <105> Knowledge of God, and of Divine Providence, and of whatever is now hidden from it, without any Mistake: The Will will be calm, employed in Wonder and Praises, in beholding God; in a Word, all Things will be much greater and better, than can be conceived by comparing them with the greatest and best here.

Sect. X. A Solution of the Objection, taken from hence, that the Bodies after their Dissolution cannot be restored.

Besides the Objection which we have now answered, it is commonly alledged, that the Bodies of Men, after their Dissolution, cannot be restored to the same Frame again; but this is said without the least

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Foundation. (a) For most Philosophers agree, that tho’ the Things be never so much changed, the Matter of them still remains capable of being formed into different Shapes; and who will affirm, that God does not know in what Places, tho’ never so far distant, the Parts of that Matter are, which goes to the making up of a humane <106> Body? Or, that he has not Power to bring them back, and reunite them? And do the same in the Universe, that we see Chymists do in their Furnaces and Vessels, collect those Particles which are of the same Kind, tho’ separated from one another. And there are Examples in Nature, which show, that though the Shape of Things be never so much changed, yet the Things themselves return to their original Form; as in Seeds of Trees and Plants. Neither is that Knot which is objected by so many, such as cannot be loosed; viz. concerning humane Bodies passing into Nourishment of wild Beasts and Cattle; who, after they are thus fed, are eaten again by Men. For the greatest Part of what is eaten by us, is not converted into any Part of our Body, but goes into Excrements or Superfluities, such as Spittle and Choler: And much of that which has Nourishment in it, is consumed by Diseases, internal Heat, and the ambient Air. Which being thus; God, who takes such Care of all Kinds even of dumb Creatures, may have such a particular Regard to humane Bodies, that if any Part of them should come to be Food for other Men, it should no more be converted into their Substance, than Poison or Physick is; and so much the rather, because human Flesh was not given to be Food for Men. And, if it were otherwise; and that something which does not belong to the latter Body, must be

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taken from it; this will not make it a different Body; (a) for there happens a <107> greater change of its Particles in this Life: (b) Nay, <108> a Butterfly is contained in a Worm; and the Substance of Herbs or of Wine, (c) in some very little Thing, from whence they are again restored to

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their true Bigness. Certainly, since these, and many other such like Suppositions, may be made without any Absurdity; there is no Reason why the restoring of a Body, after it is dissolved, should be reckoned amongst the Things that are impossible: Especially since learned Men, (a) such as Zoroaster among the Chaldaeans, (b) almost all the Stoicks, <109> (c) and Theopompus among the Peripateticks, believed that it could be, and that it would be.

Sect. XI. The exceeding Purity of its Precepts; with respect to the Worship of God.

Another Thing, in which the Christian Religion exceeds all other Religions, that ever were, are, or can be imagined; is the exceeding Purity and Holiness of its Precepts, both in those Things which concern the Worship of God, and also in all other Particulars. The Rites of the Heathens, almost all over the World, were full of Cruelty; (d) as Porphyry has largely shown; and as we are convinced by those in our Age, who have sailed to

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those Places. For it is an established Principle, almost every where, that the Gods are to be pacified with humane Blood; which Custom neither the Greek Learning, nor the Roman Laws, abolished: As appears from what we read concerning (a) Sacrifices offered up to Bacchus Omesta, amongst the Greeks; concerning a Grecian Man and a Grecian Woman, and concerning (b) a Man and Wo-<110>man amongst the Gauls, that were sacrificed to Jupiter Latialis. And the most holy Mysteries both of Ceres, and of Bacchus, were full of Lewdness; as was plain, when once the Secrets of their Religion began to be publickly discovered; as is at large declared by (c) Clemens Alexandrinus, (d) and others. And there was such Sights shown upon those Days, that were consecrated to the Honour of their Gods; that (e) Cato was ashamed to be present at them. In the Jewish Religion indeed there was nothing unlawful or immoral; but to prevent that People, (f) who were prone to Idolatry, from re-<111>volting from the

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true Religion, it was burthened with many Precepts, concerning Things that were in themselves neither good nor bad: Such as the Sacrifices of Beasts, Circumcision, strict Rest on the Sabbath Day, and the forbidding many sorts of Meats; some of which the Mahometans have borrowed, and added to them a Prohibition of Wine. But the Christian Religion teaches us to worship God, who is a most holy Being, (a) with a pure Mind, (b) and with such Actions as are in their own Nature virtuous, if they had not been commanded. Thus it does not bid us to (c) circumcise our Flesh, but our Desires and Affections; not to abstain (d) from all sorts of Works, but only from all such as are unlawful: Not to offer the Blood and Fat of Beasts in Sacrifice to God; but, if there be a just Occasion, (e) to offer our own Blood for a Testimony of the Truth; And (f) whatever Share of our Goods we give to the Poor, we are to look upon as given to God: Not to forbear certain Kinds of Meat or Drink, (g) but to use both of them with such Temperance as may most secure our Health; (h) and sometimes by Fasting to render our Bodies more subservient to the Mind, that it may with more Freedom advance it self towards <112> higher Objects. But the chief Part of Religion is every where declared to consist in such (i) a godly Faith, by which we may be framed to such (j) a sincere Obedience, as to (k) trust wholly upon God, and have (l) a firm Belief of his Promises; (m) whence arises Hope, (n) and a true Love both of God and of our

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Neighbour, which causes Obedience to his Commands; (a) not a servile Obedience proceeding from the Fear of Punishment, (b) but because it is well-pleasing to him, (c) and because he is our Father, (d) and Rewarder, out of his exceeding Goodness towards us. (e) And we are commanded to pray, not to obtain Riches or Honours, and such other Things, which many have desired to their own Hurt; but, in the first Place, for such Things as are for the Glory of God; and so much only for our selves, of those <113> perishable things, as Nature requires, permitting the rest to Divine Providence; being contented, which way soever they happen: But for those things that lead to Eternity, we are to pray with all Earnestness, viz. for Pardon of our past Sins, and for the Assistance of the Spirit for the future; that being established firmly against all Threats and Temptations, we may continue on in a godly Course. This is the Worship of God required by the Christian Religion, than which certainly nothing can be conceived more worthy of him.

Sect. XII. Concerning those Duties of Humanity, which we owe to our Neighbour, though he has injured us.

The Duties towards our Neighbour, required of us, are also of the like sort. The Mahometan Religion, which was bred in Arms, breathes nothing else; and is propagated by such Means only. (f) Thus Aristotle takes

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notice of, and blames the Laws of the Laconians (which were so highly commended above any other in Greece, even by the Oracle of Apollo,) because they tended directly to Force of Arms. But the same Philosopher affirms, that War against Barbarians was lawful; whereas the contrary is true amongst Men, who <114> were designed by Nature for Friendship and Society. (a) For what greater Iniquity can there be, than to punish single Murders; but expose to publick View, in their Triumphs, whole Nations they had slain, as a glorious Exploit? And yet that most celebrated City of Rome, how did it procure that Title, but by Wars, and those (b) many times very unjust; as they themselves confess concerning (c) the Wars against Sardinia (d) and Cyprus? And in general, as the most famous Compilers of Annals have related, very many Nations did not account it infamous, (e) to commit Robberies out of <115> their own Bounds.

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(a) Executing of Revenge, is by Aristotle and Cicero, made a Part of Virtue. (b) The Gladiators tearing one another to pieces, was one of the publick Entertainments amongst the Heathens; (c) and to expose their Children <116> was a daily Practice. The Hebrews indeed had a better Law, a more holy Discipline; but yet there were some things overlooked or allowed in that People, whose Passion was ungovernable; (d) such as the giving up to their Power seven Nations, though indeed they deserved it: With which they not being contented, (e) persecuted with cruel Hatred, all that differed from them; (f) the Marks of which remain even to this

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Day, in their Prayers uttered against Christians: And the Law itself allowed a Man (a) to revenge an Injury by the Punishments of Retaliation, and that a Man-slayer might be killed by the private Hand of the next Relation. But the Law of Christ (b) forbids requiting any Injury that hath been done us, either by Word or Deed; lest by imitating that Malice we condemn in others, we should on the contrary approve it. It would have us do Good in the first Place, to those that are good; and then to the bad also, (c) after the Example of God, from whom we receive Gifts in common with all other Men; such as the Sun, the Stars, the Air, the Winds, and the Rain. <117>

Sect. XIII. About the Conjunction of Male and Female.

The Conjunction of Man and Woman, whereby Mankind is propagated, is a thing that highly deserves to be taken care of by Law; which that the Heathen neglected, is no wonder, when they relate (d) Stories of the

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Whoredoms and Adulteries of those Gods which they worshipped. And which is worse, (a) the Conjunction of Males with one another, is defended by the Examples of their Gods: In the Number of which, Ganymedes of old, (b) and Antinous afterwards were reckoned, upon this Account; which horrid Crime is also <118> often esteemed lawful amongst the Mahometans, Chinese, and other Nations. The Greek Philosophers seem to take great Pains (c) to put a virtuous Name upon a vicious thing. The most eminent of which same Greek Philosophers, (d) commending the Company of Women; what did they do else but turn a whole City into one common Stew, (e) when even Brute Creatures observe some sort of Conjugal League? How much more reasonable is it then, that Man, who is the most divine Creature, should not be born from an uncertain Original, whereby the mutual Affections betwixt Parents and <119> Children

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is destroyed? The Hebrew Law indeed forbad all Uncleanness, (a) but a Man was allowed to have more Wives than one at a time, and the Husband had a Power (b) to put away his Wife for any Cause whatsoever; which is the Custom at this Day among the Mahometans: And formerly the Greeks and Latins took so great a Liberty, that (c) the Laconians and Cato permitted others to have their Wives for a time. But the Law of Christ, which is most perfect, strikes at the very Root of Vice, and (d) accounts him guilty before God (who can see into and judge the Hearts of Men,) that lusts after, though he has not committed the Crime; or that attempts the Chastity of any Woman, or looks upon her with such Desires. And because all true Friendship is lasting, and not to be broke; he would, with very good Reason, have That to be so (e) which contains the Union of their Bodies, as well as the Agreement of their Minds; and which, without doubt, is more convenient for a right Education of their Children. Among the Heathen, some few Nations were content with one Wife, as the Germans and Romans; and in this they are (f) followed by the Christians: Namely, <120> that the Wife having resigned herself entirely to her Husband, may be (g) recompensed with a like Return;

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(a) that the Government of the Family may be better managed by one Governor, and that different Mothers might not bring a Disturbance in amongst the Children.

Sect. XIV. About the Use of temporal Goods.

To come now to the Use of those things which are commonly called Goods; we find Theft allowed by some heathen Nations, (b) as the Egyptians, (c) and Spartans; and they who did not allow it in private Persons, did scarce any thing else in the publick; as the Romans, of whom the Roman Orator said, (d) if every one should have his Due restored to him, they must go back to the very Cottages. Indeed, there was no such thing amongst the Hebrews; but they were permitted (e) to take <121> Usury of Strangers, that the Law might in some Measure be fitted to their Disposition; and therefore, amongst other things, (f) it promised Riches to them that obeyed it. But the Christian Law not only forbids (g) all kind of Injustice towards any Persons; but also forbids us (h) setting our Affections upon perishing things; because our Mind is of such a Nature that it cannot diligently attend to the Care of two things, each of which requires the whole Man, and which oftentimes draw him contrary ways: And besides, (i) Sollicitousness in procuring and preserving Riches, is attended with a certain Slavery and Uneasiness, which spoils that very Pleasure which is expected from Riches; (j) but Nature is satisfied with a very few things, and those such as can easily be procured, without any great

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Labour or Charge. And, if God has granted us something beyond this, we are not commanded to cast it into the Sea, (a) as some Philosophers imprudently did; nor to let it lie useless by us, nor yet to lavish it away: But out of it to supply the Wants of other Men, (b) either by giving (c) or lending to those that ask it; (d) as becomes those who believe themselves not to be Proprietors of these things, but only Stewards and Deputies of the Most High God their Parent; <122> for a Kindness well bestowed, (e) is a Treasure full of good Hope, against which neither the Wickedness of Thieves, nor Variety of Accidents, can prevail any thing. An admirable Example of which sincere and undissembled Charity, the first Christians afford us, when things were sent from so great a Distance as (f) Macedonia and Achaia, in order to supply the want of those in Palaestine; as if the whole World had been but one Family. And here this Caution is added also in the Law of Christ; (g) that no Hope of Recompence or Honour, ought to diminish from our Liberality; because, if we have regard to any thing else but God, (h) it takes away his Acceptance. And, lest any one should pretend, as is commonly done, to cloak his Sparingness, as if he were afraid he should want what he has, when he comes to be an old Man, or if any Misfortune should befal him; the Law promises, (i) that a particular Care shall be taken of those who keep these Precepts: And, that they may the more rely upon it, reminds them of (j) the remarkable Providence of God, in providing for wild Beasts and Cattle, in adorning Herbs and Flowers; and that it would be an unworthy thing in us, not to believe so good, so powerful a God, nor to trust him any further than we

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would do a bad Debtor, of whom we never think ourselves secure without a Pledge. <123>

Sect. XV. Concerning Oaths.

Other Laws forbid Perjury; (a) but this would have us entirely to abstain from Oaths, except upon Necessity; and to have so great Regard to Truth in our common Conversation, (b) that there should be no need of requiring an Oath of us.

Sect. XVI. Concerning other Actions.

And indeed there is nothing excellent to be found in the Philosophick Writings of the Greeks, or in the Opinions of the Hebrews, or of any other Nation, which is not contained here, and moreover ratified by divine Authority. For instance; concerning (c) Modesty, (d) Temperance, (e) Goodness, (f) Moral Virtue, (g) Prudence, (h) the Duty of Governors and Subjects, (i) Parents and Children, (j) Masters and Servants, (k) Husbands and Wives; and particularly, abstaining from those Vices, which under a Shew of Virtue deceived many of the Greeks and Romans, viz. (l) the De-<124>sire of Honour and Glory. The Sum of it, is wonderful

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for its substantial Brevity; (a) that we should love God above all things, and our Neighbour as ourselves, that is, (b) we should do to others, as we would have them do to us. Perhaps some may object against what we have now said of the Excellency of Christ’s Commands; the great Difference of Opinions amongst Christians, from whence have arisen so many various Sects.

Sect. XVII. An Answer to the Objection, drawn from the many Controversies amongst Christians.

But the Answer to this is evident: There are scarce any Arts but the same thing happens to them, partly through the Weakness of human Nature, and partly because Men’s Judgment is hindered by Prejudices: But for the most part, this Variety of Opinions is limited within certain Bounds, in which Men are agreed; and whereby they determine Doubts: As in the Mathematicks, it is a Dispute whether the Circle can be squared or no; but whether, if you take Equals from Equals, the Remainder will be equal, this admits of no Dispute: And thus it is in natural Philosophy, Physick, and other Arts. So the Difference of Opinions that is amongst Christians, cannot hinder their Agreement in the principal things, that is, (c) those <125> Commands, by which we have now recommended the Christian Religion: And the Certainty of these appears from hence, that those who being highly enraged against one another, have sought for Matter of Disagreement, never ventured to go so far as to deny, that these were the Precepts of Christ; no, not even they who would not direct their Lives according to this Rule. And if any should attempt to contradict

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these, he ought to be looked upon to be like those Philosophers who denied that Snow was white. For as These were confuted by their Senses, so are They by the Consent of all Christian Nations, and by those Books which were wrote by the first Christians, and those after them, who were followed by Learned Men, and such who bore Testimony to the Faith of Christ by their Death. For that which all these acknowledge to be the Doctrine of Christ, ought to be accounted so by all fair and equal Judges; for the same Reason that we believe Plato, Xenophon, and other Disciples of Socrates, concerning the Opinions of Socrates; and the Schools of the Stoicks, for what Zeno delivered.

Sect. XVIII. The Excellency of the Christian Religion, further proved from the Excellency of its Teacher.

The third Thing wherein we said the Christian Religion exceeds all other Religions that are, or can be imagined, in the Manner in which it was delivered and propagated: In the Consideration of which Particular, the first Thing that offers it self, <126> is the Author of this Doctrine. The Authors of the Graecian Wisdom and Knowledge, themselves confessed that they alledged scarce any Thing for Certainty, because Truth was sunk, as it were, (a) to the Bottom of a Well; (b) and the Mind, as dim-sighted in regard to Divine Things, as the Eyes of an Owl in the Sunshine. Beside, there was hardly any of them but was addicted to (c) some particular Vice: Some were (d) Flatterers of Princes, others devoted to (e)

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the Embraces of Harlots, others to (a) snarling Impudence; and one great Argument of the Envy and Hatred they all had against one another, is their (b) quarrelling about <127> Words, or Things of no Moment; and as good an Argument of their Coldness and Indifferency in the Worship of God, did yet lay him aside, and paid Divine Worship to others whom they believed to be no Gods; (c) making that the Rule of their Religion, which was publickly received. And, as for the Reward of Piety, they could affirm nothing for certain; as appears from (d) the last Dispute of Socrates a little before his Death. Mahomet, the Author of that Religion, which has

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spread itself so far, (a) abandoned himself to Lust <128> all his Life long, which his Friends themselves do not deny. Neither did he give any Assurance whereby it might appear, that those Rewards he promised, which consisted in Feasts and Women, would ever really be; since they do not pretend to say, that he is restored to Life again in his Body; so far from that, that it now lies buried in Medina. But Moses, the Hebrew Lawgiver, was an excellent Person, however not entirely free from Faults; for with great Reluctance he would scarce (b) undertake an Embassy to the king of Egypt, though at the Command of God; and he discovered some (c) Distrust of God’s Promise concerning striking Water out of the Rock, as the Hebrews acknowledge. And he partook of scarce any of those Rewards which he promised to his People by the Law, (d) being driven to and fro in Desart Places by continual Tumults, (e) and never entering the happy Land. But Christ is described by his Disciples, (f) to be without any manner of Sin: (g) nor could he ever be proved to have committed any, by the Testimonies of others: And whatever he commanded others, (h) he performed himself; <129> for he faithfully fulfilled all Things that God commanded him; (i) he was most sincere in the whole Course of his Life; he was the (j) most patient of Injuries and Torments, as is evident from his Punishment on the Cross; he was so great a Lover of Mankind, of his Enemies, even of those by whom he was led to Death, (k) that he prayed to God for them. And the Reward that he promised to his Followers,

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he was possessed of himself, in a most eminent manner; as is declared and proved by certain Testimony. (a) Many saw, heard, and handled him after he was returned to Life again: (b) He was taken up into Heaven in the Sight of Twelve; And that he there obtained the highest Power, is manifest from hence; that he endued his Disciples with a (c) Power to speak those Languages which they had never learned; and (d) with other miraculous Gifts (e) as he promised them, when he departed from them: All which <130> put together show, that there is no reason to doubt of his Faithfulness, or of his Power to recompense us with that Reward he has promised. And hence it is we collect, that this Religion exceeds all others in this Particular also; that the Author of it performed himself, what he commanded; and was possessed of what he promised.

From the wonderful Propagation of this Religion.

We come now to the Effects of the Doctrine by him delivered; which indeed, if rightly considered, are such, that if God has any Regard or Care of humane Affairs, this Doctrine cannot possibly but be thought Divine. It was agreeable to Divine Providence, to cause That to spread the furthest which is in it self best. And this has happened to the Christian Religion, which, we our selves see, is taught all over Europe; (f) even the further Corners of the North not exempted; (g) and no less throughout,

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all Asia, (a) even in the Islands in the Sea belonging to it, (b) thro’ Egypt also (c) and Ethiopia, (d) and some other Parts of Africa, (e) and at last through America. Nor is this done <131> now only, but was so of old, as the History of all Ages testify, the Books of the Christians, and the Acts of Synods; and at this Day there is a Tradition preserved amongst the Barbarians, (f) of the Journies and Miracles of Thomas (g) and Andrew, and the other Apostles. And (h) Clemens, (i) Tertullian, <132> (j) and others have

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observed, how far the Name <133> of Christ was famous in their times amongst the Britains, Germans, and other distant Nations. What Religion is there that can compare with it, for the Extent of its Possession? If you answer, Heathenism: That indeed has but one Name, but is not one Religion: For they do not all worship the same thing; for some worship the Stars, others <134> the Elements, others Beasts, others things that have no Existence; neither are they governed by the same Law, nor under one common Master. The Jews indeed, though very much scattered, are but one Nation; however, their Religion has received no remarkable Increase since Christ: Nay, their own Law is made more known by the Christians than by themselves. Mahometanism is settled in very many Countries, but not alone; for the Christian Religion is cultivated in those same Countries, and in some Places by a greater Number: Whereas, on the contrary, there are no Mahometans to be found in many Parts where the Christian Religion is.

Considering the Weakness and Simplicity of those who taught it in the first Ages.

We come next to examine, in what manner the Christian Religion made such a Progress, that in this Particular also it may be compared with others. We see most Men are disposed to comply with the Examples of Kings and Rulers, especially if they be obliged to it by Law, or compelled by Force. To these the Religions of the Pagans, and that of the Mahometans, owe their Increase. But they who first taught the Christian Religion, were not only Men without any Authority, but of low Fortune, Fishers, Tent-makers, and the like: And yet by the Industry of these Men, that Doctrine, within thirty Years, or thereabouts, spread not only through (a) all Parts of the Roman Empire, but as far as the Parthians and Indians. And

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not only in the very Beginning, but for almost three hundred Years, by the Industry of private Persons, without any Threats, without any <135> Enticements, nay, opposed as much as possible by the Power of those who were in Authority, this Religion was propagated so far, that it became the greatest Part of the Roman Empire, (a) before Constantine professed Christianity. They among the Greeks who delivered Precepts of Morality, at the same time rendered themselves acceptable by other Arts; as the Platonicks, by the Study of Geometry; the Peripateticks, by the History of Plants and Animals; the Stoicks by Logical Subtilty; the Pythagoreans, by the Knowledge of Numbers and Harmony. Many of them were endued with admirable Eloquence, as Plato, Zenophon and Theophrastus. But the first Teachers of Christianity had no such Art. (b) Their Speech was very plain without any Enticements; they declared only the Precepts, Promises and Threats in bare Words; wherefore, since they had not in themselves any Power answerable to such a Progress, we must of Necessity allow that they were attended with Miracles; or that the secret Influence of God favoured their Undertaking, or both.

Sect. XIX. And the great Impediments that hindred Men from embracing it, or deterred them from professing it.

To which Consideration we may add this, that the Minds of those who embraced the Christian <136> Religion taught by these Men, were not entirely free and unprejudiced from any established Rule of Religion, and consequently very pliable; as they were who first embraced the Heathen Rites, and the Law of Mahomet: And much less were they prepared by any foregoing Institution; as the Hebrews were rendered fit for the Reception of the Law of Moses, by Circumcision, and the Knowledge of one

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God. But, on the contrary, their Minds were filled with Opinions, and had acquired Habits, which are a second Nature, repugnant to these new Instructions; having been educated and confirmed by the Authority of Laws, and of their Parents, in the Heathen Mysteries, and Jewish Rites. And besides this, there was another Obstacle as great, namely the most grievous Sufferings, which it was certain they who professed Christianity must endure, or be in fear of, upon that Account: For since such Sufferings are highly disagreeable to humane Nature, it follows, that those things which are the Cause of such Sufferings, cannot be received without great Difficulty. The Christians, for a long time, were kept out of all Places of Honour, and were moreover fined, had their Goods confiscated, and were banished: But these were small things; they were condemned to the Mines, had the most cruel Torments that it was possible to invent, inflicted upon them; and the Punishments of Death were so common, that the Writers of those times relate that no Famine, no Pestilence, no War, ever consumed more Men at a time. Neither were they the ordinary kinds of Death: (a) But burning of <137> them alive, crucifying them, and such like Punishments, which one cannot read or think of without the greatest Horror: And this Cruelty, which, without any long Interruption, and that not every where, continued in the Roman Empire almost till the time of Constantine, and in other Places longer; was so far from diminishing them, that on the contrary, their Blood was called the Seed of the Church, they so increased as they were cut off. Here therefore let us compare other Religions with Christianity. The Greeks and other Heathens, who are wont to magnify their own Matters, reckon a very few that suffered Death for their Opinions; some Indian Philosophers, Socrates, and not many more; and it can hardly be denied, but that in these famous Men, there was some Desire of transmitting their Fame to Posterity. But there were very many of the common People, scarce known to their Neighbours, among the Christians, who suffered Death for their Opinion; Women, Virgins, young Men, who had no Desire nor probable

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Hopes that their Name would continue; and indeed there are but a few whose Names remain in the Martyrologies, in comparison of the Number of them that suffered for this Cause, and are (a) reckoned only by the Heap. Further, very many of them might have escaped this Punishment by some small Dissimulation, such as throwing a little Frankincense upon the Altar; <138> which cannot be affirmed of them, who, whatever private Opinions they had in their Minds, yet in their outward Actions, conformed themselves to the Customs of the Vulgar. So that to suffer Death for the Honour of God, could scarce be allowed to any but the Jews and Christians; and not to the Jews after Christ’s time; and before, only to a very few, compared with the Christians; more of which suffered Punishment for the Law of Christ in one Province, than ever there did Jews; all whose Sufferings of this kind may almost be reduced to the times of Manesses and Antiochus. Wherefore, seeing the Christian Religion, in this particular also, infinitely exceeds others; it ought justly to be preferred before them. It must be inferred from such a Multitude of every Age and Sex, in so many different Places and Times, who refused not to die for this Religion; that there was some great Reason for such a constant Resolution, which cannot be imagined to be any other, but the Light of Truth, and the Spirit of God.

An Answer to those who require more and stronger Arguments.

If there be any one who is not satisfied with the Arguments hitherto alledged for the Truth of the Christian Religion, but desires more powerful ones; he ought to know, (b) that different things <139> must have

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different kinds of Proof; one sort in Mathematicks, another in the Properties of Bodies, another in doubtful Matters, and another in Matters of Fact. And we are to abide by that, whose Testimonies are void of all Suspicion: Which if it be not admitted, not only all History is of no further Use, and a great Part of Physick; but all that natural Affection, which is betwixt Parents and Children, is lost, (a) who can be known no other way. (b) And it is the Will of God, that those things which he would have us believe, so that that Faith should be accepted from us as Obedience, should not so evidently appear, as those things we perceive by our Senses, and by Demon-<140>stration; but only so far as is sufficient to procure the Belief, and persuade a Man of the thing, who is not obstinately bent against it: So that the Gospel is, as it were, a Touch-stone, to try Mens honest Dispositions by. For since those Arguments, which we have brought, have gained the Assent of so many good and wise Men; it is very manifest, that the Cause of Infidelity in others, is not from the

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want of Proof, but from hence, (a) that they would not have that seem true, which contradicts their Passions and Affections. It is a hard thing for them lightly to esteem of Honours and other Advantages; which they must do, if they would receive what is related concerning Christ, and for that Reason think themselves bound to obey the Precepts of Christ. And this is to be discovered by this one thing, that they receive many other historical Relations as true, the Truth of which is established only upon Authorities, of which there are no Marks remaining at this time: As there is in the History of Christ, partly by the Confession of the Jews, which are now left; partly by the Congregation of Christians, every where to be found; for which there must of Necessity have been some Cause. And since the long Continuance of the Christian Religion, and the Propagation of it so far, cannot be attributed to any human Power, it follows, that it must be attributed to Miracles: Or if any one should deny it to have been done by Miracles; this very thing, <141> that (b) it should without a Miracle gather so much Strength and Power, ought to be looked upon as greater than any Miracle. <142>

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