Читать книгу Sir George Étienne Cartier, Bart.--His Life and Times - John Boyd - Страница 9

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“Every one in the colony is discontented, we have demanded reforms and not obtained them, it is time to be up and doing,” exclaimed LaFontaine in the early part of 1837. “We are despised, oppression is in store for us and even annihilation. But this state of things need endure no longer than while we are unable to redress it,” said the mild and gentle Morin. These declarations of two of the leading public men of Lower Canada expressed the general temper of the people. Many, it is true, still hoped for a peaceful and constitutional redress of the existing abuses through action by the Imperial authorities, others, rendered impatient by the long and apparently futile struggle, saw no remedy except in extreme measures. The advice of prudent men who counselled patience, moderation and conciliation fell upon deaf ears in a period of intense political agitation and excitement.

The popular discontent was most apparent in the city and district of Montreal, then as now the chief centre of the country, and in the six counties of the Richelieu district which had been the scene of Papineau’s triumphal progress and of the great popular gatherings. Following Lord Gosford’s proclamation and the summary prorogation of the legislature, some of the more ardent spirits amongst the younger element of the patriots decided to form an organisation which should constitute a rallying point for their forces. The idea seems to have been first suggested by one, Pierre Jodoin, in the month of June, when the public excitement over Lord Gosford’s proclamation ran high. The proposal was enthusiastically received, and on September 5th, 1837, the association, which was given the name “Fils de la Liberté (Sons of Liberty), was solemnly organised at a large meeting held in the Nelson Hotel on Jacques Cartier Square in the city of Montreal. The demonstration was marked by violent speeches by Robert Nelson, a brother of Wolfred Nelson, André Ouimet and Édouard-Étienne Rodier, a popular orator in whose law office Cartier had been a student. A military semblance was given to the proceedings by a band of music which played patriotic airs. Before dispersing, the gathering, to the number of several hundred, proceeded with the band at their head to the residences of two of the popular chiefs, Papineau and D. B. Viger, who warmly congratulated them on having so patriotically responded to the appeal of their chiefs.

The Fils de la Liberté was a semi-political, semi-military organisation, being constituted of two divisions, one intended to conduct a political agitation by means of the platform and the press, the other to effect by force of arms, if deemed necessary, the triumph of the popular cause. The motto chosen for the organisation was “En Avant” (Forward). Of the political division André Ouimet, of Montreal, was named president, with J. L. Beaudry and Joseph Martel as vice-presidents. Thomas Storrow Brown, an American, who had resided for some years in Montreal and taken sides with the popular cause, was named “General” of the military division, having under his orders six chiefs of sections, the city having been marked off into six military divisions. Frequent meetings of the sections were held; the members were instructed in military drill and many parades were held, arousing the enthusiasm of the patriots to fever heat. Arms, however, were lacking, what weapons the members had being confined to stout bâtons with a few fowling pieces. Some of the more enthusiastic members were in favour of bringing in arms from the United States, but this idea was strongly opposed by the leaders and abandoned on the advice of Papineau himself. Some of the assemblies of the Association were very largely attended; for instance, on the eve of the great meeting at St. Charles, a gathering of over one thousand men paraded at Côte-à-Baron, a suburb of Montreal.

George-Étienne Cartier was at this period in his twenty-third year, and he threw himself into the political struggle with all the ardour and impetuosity of youth. His first appearance in the political arena was as early as 1834, when as a youth of twenty he took part in the elections of that year, in support of the candidature of Papineau and Robert Nelson against Walker and Donallen, who were the candidates of the Bureaucrats.[28] Even at this early period Cartier had made himself conspicuous by his activity and ability. He was one of the most fervent disciples of Papineau. Frequently he had listened to the great tribune thunder from the platform and had come under the spell of his magnetic eloquence. Other influences too had been at work to make the young man a zealous upholder of the popular cause. Admitted to the Bar in 1835, he passed some time in the office of Édouard Rodier, a prominent Montreal lawyer, who, though only thirty-two years of age, at this time was one of the most popular champions of the people, and one of the chiefs and the favourite orator of the Sons of Liberty. Rodier was a member of the Legislative Assembly, and was one of the strongest and most violent opponents of the existing order of things. His oratory was of a perfervid character. “They attack us now,” he exclaimed on one occasion when a conflict took place between the Sons of Liberty and the Constitutionalists; “it is well; soon they will call us not only the Sons of Liberty but the Sons of Victory.” As environment has much to do with the formation of character, it was doubtless from Rodier, with whom he was for a considerable period almost in daily contact, that Cartier drew the inspiration that transformed him from the quiet and peaceful student of the good priests of St. Sulpice into the political zealot and the bellicose son of liberty. He became one of the most active members of the organisation, and took a prominent part in all the proceedings. Enjoying the popular soubriquet of “Petit George” (Little George), on account of his diminutive stature, he was a familiar figure at all gatherings of the Association; he became in fact the bard of the movement, and a song which he composed under the title “Avant tout je suis Canadien” (Before all I am a Canadian) was invariably sung by the Sons of Liberty during their parades. The production, whilst not possessing much literary merit, was of a stirring character and calculated to arouse the enthusiasm of the fiery young agitators as they paraded to the lively air of the words:

“Souvent de la Grande Bretagne, On vante et les mœurs et les lois; Par leurs vins, la France et l’Espagne A nos éloges ont des droits. Admirez le ciel d’ltalie Louez l’Europe, c’est fort bien; Moi, je préfère ma patrie: Avant tout je suis Canadien.”[29]

In addition to his activity in the Sons of Liberty Cartier also became joint secretary with the unfortunate Chevalier Delorimier of the central and general committee of the Patriots of Montreal.

The proceedings of the Sons of Liberty, whilst they strengthened the patriotic fervour of the people, incensed the “Constitutionalists” or “Loyalists,” as the adherents of the ruling party were variously styled. The Constitutionalists of Montreal had an organisation of their own known as the Doric Club, the membership of which was largely composed of the English-speaking youth of the city. Between the Sons of Liberty and the Doric Club there was deadly enmity and the prevailing passion and prejudice tended to fan the flames of animosity. Aroused by the activity of the Sons of Liberty, appeals finally appeared in some of the English newspapers urging drastic action against the members of the organisation. “Where are the guns,” ran one appeal; “where is the axe-handle brigade, where is the Doric Club which we are accustomed to see whenever it is necessary to defend the constitution and British honour? To what lengths are we going to allow these revolutionary scoundrels (the Sons of Liberty) to proceed?”

The passion engendered on both sides was such that a conflict between the two forces was rendered inevitable. Minor disturbances were frequent, but it was not until November 6th that there occurred what was described in a contemporary account as “the first collision in the province between British subjects of English and French origin for those political opinions which had so long estranged them from one another, as parties contending for different schemes of government.” It was a day long to be remembered in the annals of Montreal. Some days previously it was reported throughout the city that the Sons of Liberty intended to meet on the Place d’Armes and there raise the cap and plant the tree of liberty. There appears to have been no foundation for such a report, but it had the effect of arousing public excitement, which was still further increased when a proclamation was issued by the magistrates declaring that depositions had been lodged before them that numerous bodies of men with distinctive badges and denominations and influenced by adverse political opinions intended to parade the streets, from which processions under the prevalent state of public feeling there was reason to apprehend that riots and tumults might result. All parties were therefore called upon to refrain from joining or forming part of such processions as were calculated to disturb the public peace. On the morning of November 6th a placard posted on the city walls called on the different “loyal” and “constitutional” wards to meet at the Place d’Armes at twelve o’clock (noon) to assist “to crush rebellion in the bud.” The most intense excitement prevailed throughout the city, large crowds gathered on the streets and the day’s developments were anxiously awaited. It was not until two o’clock in the afternoon that the Sons of Liberty began to muster in their regular meeting place, the yard of Benacina’s Tavern, in front of the American Presbyterian church on what was then known as Great St. James Street.

The muster attracted the attention of the “Constitutionalists” or members of the Doric Club, a force of whom had soon gathered in front of the meeting place. Who were the aggressors in the initial conflict has been disputed. By the Constitutionalists it was claimed that those assembled in the yard rushed out and made an indiscriminate attack on those outside with sticks and stones. On the Patriot side it was contended that whilst a peaceful meeting was in progress the Constitutionalists began throwing stones into the yard which had its entrance on St. James Street and knocking at the door, applying to the Sons of Liberty opprobrious epithets, especially branding them as cowards, that as soon as the meeting was ended the members sallied from the yard in close column and were immediately assailed by a shower of stones. The conflict lasted for some hours and shifted from one portion of the city to the other. Both sides claimed the victory, but in such a series of street encounters it would be difficult to say who had the best of it, the advantage varying according to the numbers of the respective bands. During the conflict Brown, one of the Patriot chiefs and the general of the military division of the Sons of Liberty, was personally attacked by a band of Constitutionalists, sustaining injuries from the effects of which he lost his right eye.[30] The conflict was so serious that early in the afternoon the Riot Act was read and the Royal Regiment ordered out to parade the streets, supported by the artillery. Early in the evening, after the Sons of Liberty had dispersed to their homes, the Constitutionalists assembled in considerable force and marching up Bonsecours Street made an attack upon the residence of Papineau, all the blinds of which were broken by stones. The office of the newspaper Vindicator, conducted by Dr. O’Callaghan, one of the Patriot leaders, was sacked, the mob breaking open doors and forcing their way into the printing office, which they overturned from top to bottom, breaking everything that fell into their hands and throwing the type, paper and machinery into the street. These outrages, which were condemned even by the Constitutional supporters, had the effect of increasing the bad feeling.

Where was Cartier during this brief but fierce conflict which was the prelude to the more serious engagements between the Patriots and the British troops on the Richelieu river? The record is silent as to his actual doings on this eventful day, but we may well believe that he was present at the meeting of the Sons of Liberty which preceded the conflict and that he was either a participant in or a spectator of the conflict itself. One who had been such an active member of the organisation, who personally was so fearless and so zealous for the popular cause, was not likely to be absent from the scene when danger threatened. We shall see him soon in the very thick of the fight.

The Montreal conflict was the signal for drastic measures against the popular leaders. Arrests were made both at Montreal and Quebec, proclamations were issued forbidding all public meetings and processions of a nature to disturb the public peace, and the magistrates were provided with printed copies of the proclamation required by the Riot Act to be read for the dispersion of tumultuous gatherings. A new Commission of the Peace for the district of Montreal, issued about the same time, removed no less than sixty-one magistrates, many of them leading citizens, who were suspected of being in sympathy with the popular cause. These measures increased instead of allaying the prevailing discontent and signs were everywhere apparent of approaching trouble. On November 9th Sir John Colborne moved from Sorel, or Fort William Henry as it was then called, to Montreal, which he made his headquarters for the winter. Volunteer corps of infantry, including riflemen with artillery and cavalry, were formed in Montreal under the authority of the government, and rapidly filled up. In addition the entire military force in the two Canadas was concentrated in the District of Montreal and Colborne also ordered up reinforcements of regulars from New Brunswick.

The steps taken by Sir John Colborne were significant enough, but the prevailing discontent was fanned into fury when on November 16th warrants were issued for the arrest of a number of the Patriot leaders, including Papineau, Morin, O’Callaghan and Wolfred Nelson, on charges of high treason. Warrants were also issued against many of the more active Patriots in the city of Montreal, and such as could be found were immediately arrested and lodged in prison. Amongst the number were André Ouimet, the active president of the Sons of Liberty. Papineau, O’Callaghan, Brown and several others apparently received a warning from some friendly source of the impending action, for they evaded High Constable Delisle, who was charged with the execution of the warrants, and escaped from the city, directing their course towards the Richelieu River, where they were sure of a warm welcome and safety amongst their numerous friends and sympathisers. It was about the same time that Cartier, who had been active in the agitation at Montreal, left the city and proceeded to his home at St. Antoine on the Richelieu.

Events now began to move quickly to the bloody dénouement on the banks of the Richelieu. A few days subsequent to the departure of Papineau and the other Patriot chiefs from Montreal a party consisting of eighteen of the Montreal Volunteer Cavalry, under Lieut. Ermatinger, was despatched to St. Johns, accompanied by a constable, to arrest two of the leading citizens of that place, Messrs. Davignon and Desmaray, who were charged with treasonable practices in being present at the St. Charles meeting. The homes of the accused were forced open in the dead of night, and they were placed under arrest. The alarm was given by some vigilant Patriots and the whole countryside was soon aroused. The prisoners, who were securely bound and placed in a cart in charge of the constable, were escorted to Chambly and thence towards Montreal by the Longueuil road, through a district in which nearly every man was an adherent of the Patriot cause. The troops were not destined to reach the city with their prisoners. A party of the Patriots under Bonaventure Viger of Boucherville, who had received word of the arrests, had taken up a position on the road with the object of releasing the prisoners. When the cavalry escort approached Viger boldly sprang into the road. “Halt!” cried the Patriot leader. “I order you in the name of the people to hand over your prisoners.” “Attention,” was Ermatinger’s instant reply, as he addressed his troops. “Go on, make ready, fire.”

An exchange of shots between the two forces followed in the course of which the leaders on either side, as well as a number of their followers, were wounded. Viger had arranged his small force skilfully in different quarters of the wood, and by feigned orders which he shouted at the top of his voice he conveyed the impression that he had a large number of men under his command. Lieut. Ermatinger accordingly ordered his party to retreat, leaving behind the waggon with the constable and the two prisoners, who, having been unbound and set at liberty by Viger, were escorted in triumph to the house of Capt. Vincent at Longueuil, where the first victory of the Patriots was celebrated with great enthusiasm.

Drastic measures were now determined upon by Sir John Colborne to apprehend the popular leaders against whom warrants had been issued and to strike terror into the heart of their sympathisers. To dislodge the Patriots from two of their strongholds, St. Charles and St. Denis on the Richelieu, one combined movement, by different routes, was the first step decided upon. For this purpose two brigades were formed, one consisting of the 24th, 32nd and 66th detached companies with two pieces of artillery under the command of the Hon. Col. Gore; the other under the command of Col. Wetherall being composed of four companies of the Royals, two of the 60th, a party of artillery, with two field pieces, and a detachment of the Montreal Cavalry. A deputy sheriff, Mr. Juchereau-Duchesnay and two magistrates, P. E. Leblanc and Sydney Bellingham, accompanied the expedition to execute the warrants. Col. Gore’s brigade, consisting of two companies of the 24th under Lieut.-Col. Hughes, the light company of the 32nd under Captain Markham, and a detachment of artillery with a few volunteer cavalry, left Montreal by steamer on the morning of November 22nd for Sorel, where they arrived early in the same evening. Two companies of the 66th which were at Sorel reinforced the brigade, which under Col. Gore’s personal command marched for St. Denis, twenty-four miles distant, about ten o’clock at night, taking the upper road, which was by way by St. Ours. Despite tempestuous weather and almost impassable roads the brigade was in sight of St. Denis the following morning. By a mere chance circumstance, which unfortunately resulted in one of the most tragic incidents of the whole rising, the Patriots had been apprised of the coming of the British troops. At daylight on the morning of November 22nd Lieut. Weir, a young officer of the 32nd Regiment, left Montreal by land for Sorel, with despatches for the officer commanding at that post, directing him to have the two companies of the 66th regiment under his command in readiness to march with Col. Gore’s force which was proceeding by steamer to Sorel. The roads were so bad that Lieut. Weir, who travelled in a calèche or light waggon, did not arrive at Sorel until half an hour after Col. Gore had marched with his whole force for St. Denis. The young officer thereupon hired a fresh calèche and started to join the troops. There were two roads leading from Sorel to St. Denis, and instead of taking the upper road by which the troops had marched, young Weir took the lower road, arriving at St. Denis about one o’clock in the morning long in advance of the troops. He believed that he would find his comrades quartered in the village, and his surprise at seeing no sign of them may be imagined. He was at once seized by some of the Patriots and brought before Dr. Wolfred Nelson, the Patriot leader, who ordered him to be kept a close prisoner but to be treated with every consideration. The sequel, as we shall see, was of a tragic character. Weir’s appearance and his expressions of surprise at not seeing the soldiers stationed at St. Denis were the first intimations that the Patriot leader had that British troops were on their way to Sorel to apprehend him and to strike terror into his sympathisers. Nelson at once resolved to resist the attempt.

It is a curious as well as an interesting fact that the two active leaders of the French-Canadian forces in the rising of 1837, Wolfred Nelson, who commanded at St. Denis, and Thomas Storrow Brown, who had charge of the operation at St. Charles, were of English origin, and that in their advocacy of extreme measures to resist what they regarded as tyrannical oppression they were much more vehement than even the most violent of the French-Canadian patriots. Wolfred Nelson, at the time of the engagement at St. Denis, was a man in his forty-fifth year, of commanding presence and powerful physique, standing six feet four in his stockings. Of English ancestry, a connection of Britain’s immortal naval hero, he was born in the city of Montreal in 1792. At the early age of fourteen he began the study of medicine at Sorel, and on receiving his diploma in 1811, when he was only nineteen years of age, he took up his residence amongst the hospitable residents of the pretty little village of St. Denis. Though the entire population of the village was French-Canadian, the young English doctor soon acquired great popularity, and it was not long before he had an extensive practice in the district. He was familiarly known as the “Frenchified Englishman.” Nelson early espoused the popular cause, and in the election of 1827 he was the Patriot candidate for Sorel against the Attorney-General of the province, James Stuart, whom he defeated after a bitter contest by a majority of only two votes. Though he did not seek re-election at the ensuing elections, he continued to support the popular cause warmly, and he was a familiar figure at the great political gatherings which preceded the rising and was pronouncedly outspoken in his denunciation of the Imperial government and the provincial authorities. In addition to his large medical practice, Dr. Nelson had extensive interests in St. Denis, being the owner of a large distillery and other property, and his life as well as his fortune was now to be staked for the popular cause. The commander of the Patriot forces was not without military training and experience. He had served as surgeon of a battalion raised in the district during the war of 1812 and had thus become familiar with military operations. To this fact as well as to the marked bravery displayed by his followers the success of the Patriots in the initial engagement of the rising was, doubtless, in some measure due. A man of sterling honour, of fine feelings and of great determination, with the love of British freedom in his blood, he believed that the French-Canadians, whom he regarded as his fellow countrymen, were being unjustly treated and this aroused his indignation.

When Nelson learned from young Weir of the approach of the British troops he at once set his son, Horace, and his pupil, a young man named Dansereau, to the task of making bullets. After a conference with Papineau and O’Callaghan, who had been his guests for several days, he mounted his horse and rode down the high road to observe the movements of the troops. It was about six o’clock in the morning, the weather was threatening, and it was so dark and gloomy that the Patriot commander was almost in the midst of the advance guard of the British troops before he knew where he was, and had barely time to make good his escape. Perceiving the danger, he turned his horse’s head, galloped back to the village, gave orders that the bridges in the vicinity should be demolished, and that the patriots from the surrounding districts should be summoned to the scene. The bells of the ancient village church were soon sounding the tocsin calling the Patriots to gather. A force of about five hundred men responded to the call and placed themselves under Nelson’s orders. A comparatively small number of the Patriots had muskets, ammunition was scarce, and the weapons in the hands of the greater number of the insurgents were picks, pitchforks, and cudgels. It was such a force that was about to be pitted against trained veterans of Waterloo and other British campaigns. But what the Patriots lacked in the way of arms and ammunition was more than made up by the determination of their leader and their fearless demeanour under the fire of the troops. The majority of the Patriots sincerely believed that they were fighting for their political freedom, and it was this that nerved their arms and gave strength to their resistance.

The Patriot leader skilfully arranged the force at his command. The larger number of those who had muskets were ordered to take possession of a large stone house, known as the Maison Saint Germain and situated on the main road by which the troops had to pass to gain the village. There they barricaded themselves on the second storey. Another party of some thirty armed men took up their quarters in the distillery owned by Dr. Nelson, situated not far from the Saint Germain house. Several small armed parties were stationed in some stores in the vicinity. Those who were without arms were placed under the protection of the walls of the church with orders to rush upon the troops with their improvised weapons whenever a favourable opportunity should present itself.

The British commander, perceiving that he had to meet with determined resistance, divided his brigade into three columns, one of which he marched towards a wood situated to the east of the village, another took its way by the banks of the river, which were close to the scene of the conflict, whilst the main force with the cannon kept along the highway in order to lay siege to the Saint Germain house in which the most formidable force of the patriots was quartered.

It was now between nine and ten o’clock in the morning, the weather continued dark and threatening and it had turned very cold. Nelson was everywhere, exhorting the Patriots to firmness. Entering the Saint Germain house, he briefly addressed his main force. “My friends,” he said, “I do not desire to force any one to remain with me, but I hope that those who do remain will do their duty bravely. In my political conduct I have nothing to reproach myself with, and I am ready to face all accusations that are legally and justly brought against me. If I am summoned to deliver myself into the hands of the authorities, in conformity with law and custom, I shall do so, but I will never allow them to arrest me as a malefactor, to treat me as they have treated Desmaray and Davignon.” Scarcely had these words fallen from Nelson’s lips, when a cannon shot cut down two of the Patriots who were standing near him. “You see, my friends,” exclaimed the Patriot chief, “it is necessary to fight; be firm, do not expose yourself needlessly and let every shot tell.”

It was afterwards claimed that the first shots came from the Patriot pickets and killed two of Gore’s advance guard. In any event Gore’s cannon were not long in getting into action and the interior of the patriots’ quarters was swept by a hail of shot which killed four of the defenders and made a large opening in the fortress. Seeing the danger to which his men were exposed, Nelson ordered them to descend to the ground floor where the massive walls constituted an almost impenetrable barrier from which the Patriot marksmen were able to pick off the advancing soldiers with deadly precision. Some of the defenders were expert shots, notably one, David Bourdages, son of a noted Patriot leader in the old Assembly. Young Bourdages with the utmost sang-froid, after having kept up an almost ceaseless fire for about two hours, coolly lit his pipe and resumed firing as he continued to smoke. Many of the advancing soldiers fell under the deadly fire of Bourdages and his companions in the fortress. The combat continued to wax more furious and Nelson, seeing some of his men who were stationed in the neighbourhood carelessly exposing themselves to the fire of the troops, ordered his aide-de-camp, Charles Ovide Perrault, a brilliant young lawyer of Montreal, and a member of the legislature, to warn them of their danger. Perrault in crossing the highway to deliver the message of his chief was shot twice and fell, mortally wounded. He was removed to a neighbouring house to receive treatment.

Towards midday, after many unsuccessful efforts to reduce the fortress, the soldiers sought shelter from the deadly fire of the Patriots behind fences, piles of cord-wood and a large barn in the vicinity from which they kept up a ceaseless fire upon the fortress. Every time, however, that a soldier exposed himself he drew the fire of the defenders. After the combat had lasted for four or five hours, the British commander, who was astounded at the determined stand made by the Patriots, ordered Capt. Markham to turn their position. Three times the gallant captain with a picked detachment essayed the feat, but each time he was forced to retire with loss. In another attempt the brave British officer was severely wounded and dismounted, receiving two balls in the neck and a wound across the knee. He was removed from the field by his men, who carried him to a place of safety.

At this critical stage of the conflict the Patriot force was considerably reinforced by fresh arrivals from St. Antoine, St. Ours and Contrecoeur, who crossed the Richelieu from St. Antoine to St. Denis in bateaux. Encouraged by the arrival of these reinforcements, the Patriots redoubled their efforts to repulse the troops. Col. Gore, perceiving the danger of a complete rout, owing to the lack of ammunition and the condition of his men, ordered a retreat on Sorel. Retiring a short distance along the road by which they had advanced, the troops crossed over a bridge to the left in order to march by the second road. They were closely pursued by the jubilant Patriots. After the troops had succeeded in crossing the bridge with their guns the horses broke down and the guns stuck fast in the ground. The ammunition that remained was then thrown into the river and the howitzer was spiked and abandoned. The pursuing Patriots succeeded in capturing several of the soldiers, with whom they returned in triumph to St. Denis.

The Patriot loss in the engagement was twelve killed, the most notable victim being young Perrault, whose death was universally deplored. The loss of the troops was a matter of dispute. It was claimed by the officers that only six men were killed, but it was maintained by the Patriots that one hundred and six failed to respond to the roll call that night at Sorel. Of this number it was further claimed thirty had been killed and of the wounded six remained on the battlefield. The latter, by Dr. Nelson’s orders, were most humanely treated, being conveyed to the home of the Desmoiselles Dormicour, where their wounds were dressed by the young ladies of the house, assisted by some friends. Dr. Nelson ordered that every consideration should be shown to the wounded and his humane conduct did much subsequently to mitigate the feeling against him.

In this memorable engagement young Cartier had a prominent part and displayed in a marked degree that coolness, courage and determination which characterised him throughout his whole career. As we have seen, when the warrants were issued for the apprehension of the Patriot leaders, Cartier repaired to his native village. He was active in the arrangements that were made to protect the persons of the leaders from seizure. On the day of the engagement he was early astir and throughout the whole fight was one of the most active of the combatants, infusing his ardour and courage into his comrades. He proved of invaluable service to the Patriot leader, who showed the confidence he had in his young follower by despatching him about two o’clock in the afternoon, when the conflict was at its height, to St. Antoine for reinforcements and supplies. Young Cartier successfully fulfilled this difficult and dangerous mission, crossing the Richelieu under the brisk fire of the troops and returning in about an hour’s time with a considerable force of men from St. Antoine and the neighbouring parishes. It was these reinforcements which assured the success of the Patriots in the day’s engagement and resulted in Col. Gore’s eventual decision to retreat. Nelson himself in a public statement he made some time afterwards bore testimony to the striking courage and devotion displayed by young Cartier on this memorable day. “It is true,” said the Patriot leader, “that Henri Cartier (George Cartier’s cousin) remarked that it would be better to retreat owing to the ravages caused by the enemy, the lack of ammunition and the flight of a number in consequence. I strongly opposed this proposal and Henri Cartier vigorously supported us during the whole of the day. Georges Cartier never made allusion to retreat and like his cousin valiantly and efficaciously contributed to the success of the fight. Moreover, these gentlemen only left me when I was obliged to leave nine days after this time on the occasion of the second expedition against St. Denis when resistance had become impossible.

“That I sent Georges Cartier towards two o’clock in the afternoon to secure supplies at St. Antoine, and that he promptly returned with assistance after about an hour’s absence. Georges Cartier did not wear a tuque bleue (the cap usually worn by the habitant) the day of the battle.”

Nelson’s testimony, which is of the utmost historical value and interest, is conclusive as to the great services rendered by Cartier to the Patriot cause at the most critical stage of the St. Denis engagement and as to the calmness and courage with which he carried out the orders of his leader. It is interesting to note that even at this early period of his career Cartier gave striking proof of those qualities of devotion which he was to display in every cause with which he became identified.

The engagement at St. Denis, in which the Patriots displayed such bravery and resourcefulness, was unfortunately accompanied by the tragic killing of Lieut. Weir, whose arrival at St. Denis was the first intimation the Patriots had of the approach of the British troops. Dr. Nelson, as we have seen, when the young officer was brought before him, ordered him to be placed in custody but to be treated with every consideration. When the fighting between the Patriots and the troops commenced young Weir was placed in a waggon owned by Dr. Nelson, and under a guard commanded by a Capt. Jalbert started for the neighbouring village of St. Charles. On arriving at the outskirts of St. Denis the cords with which the young officer was fastened became so painful that he asked that they should be loosened, and when this was done he jumped out of the waggon into the road as if to escape. He was then set upon and killed.[31]

While the Patriots were reaping victory at St. Denis events were taking a different course in the neighbourhood of St. Charles. As the two actions were closely connected and as the St. Charles engagement had a bearing upon Cartier’s fortunes, it is essential that some account of it should be given. At St. Charles, which is only six miles from St. Denis, a considerable force of the Patriots under Thomas Storrow Brown had taken possession of the manor house which the seigneur of St. Charles, Hon. P. B. Debartzch, had abandoned. Here after strongly barricading the house the Patriots awaited the arrival of the troops sent to dislodge them.[32] Col. Wetherall’s force which had left Montreal on November 18th arrived at Rouville on the 22nd after crossing the river in bateaux. It was at this point that word was received of the failure of Col. Gore’s expedition against St. Denis. Notwithstanding the report, Col. Wetherall determined to proceed upon his own responsibility. Having been joined by Major Warde, with the Grenadier company of the Royals from Chambly, Col. Wetherall at ten o’clock on the morning of November 25th began his march against St. Charles. It was found that the bridges across the small streams tributary to the Richelieu had been destroyed and it was necessary to form temporary fords. In order that the troops might be harassed as little as possible, Col. Wetherall in his further progress to the village avoided the main road by making a detour through the fields. During an engagement with the pickets of the Patriots, which were located in some barns on the outskirts of the village, a prisoner was taken and he was sent to the village with a demand for its surrender. The answer to the summons of the British commander was a deafening storm of cheers which indicated that the Patriots were prepared to make a determined resistance. Col. Wetherall, deciding to attack the place, deployed his rear divisions as the brigade marched in close column, the light company being extended on each flank. In front of the deployment was a level space of ploughed fields, to the right well wooded land and to the left Richelieu River, about three hundred yards wide at this point and taking a course parallel to the village, which was long and straggling. The British commander hoped that a display of his force would induce the Patriots to yield, but in this he was mistaken. From the west side of the river the Patriots at once began a determined fire, which in spite of the distance did some execution amongst the troops. At the same time an attack was made from the woods so desperate that the Grenadier company of the Royals was sent to the aid of the harassed soldiers. The artillery was ordered to advance within one hundred yards of the breastworks and a severe cannonading of shrapnel, shell, round shot and canister was commenced by the troops.

From behind the Patriots’ breastworks a continued fire was directed against the centre of the British line, which was ordered in consequence to lie down. Owing to its exposed position, however, it suffered materially. At this stage of the combat the three centre companies, headed by Col. Wetherall in person, fixed bayonets and charged the breastworks, while the Patriots redoubled their efforts to repulse the troops. Despite a galling fire which raked the earth in all directions some dwellings to the right of the breastworks were gained by the troops. The place, however, was still far from being taken; the barns and outhouses which flanked each other were so well fortified and so obstinately defended that it took quite a period of sharp firing to reduce them. The defenders fought with the greatest bravery, many maintaining their posts until shot down or put to the bayonet. By this time the guns had advanced a few paces supported by a sub-division of the Royals, and poured in canister shot upon the multitude of heads which appeared in front. The combat was now at its height and both on the right and left of the line an animated scene was presented. To the right a constant discharge of musketry was directed against the breastworks, while to the left skirmishers were to be seen cutting off the retreat of those who sought safety in the woods. The fire of the artillery having in great measure discouraged the Patriots in their strongholds, the breastworks were stormed and carried; the defenders were mostly put to flight, but a number of them maintained their position, firing upon the soldiers at close quarters. The brave defenders were cut down and bayoneted without mercy by the soldiery. Many, to escape the fury of the troops, jumped into the river, preferring to meet a watery grave than to yield to the enraged troops. Brown, the Patriot leader, who was not under fire, made his escape from the scene and managed to reach the States in safety.

Of the Patriots between fifty and sixty were taken prisoners, while the bodies of 150 lay within the breastworks, showing the stubborn resistance that had been made. The estimated loss on the Patriot side amounted to over 300, many having perished from fire and water. On the side of the troops the loss was considerable. A quantity of arms found within the Patriot lines was destroyed and two small six pounders which were mounted within the breastworks were spiked and sunk in the Richelieu.

The courage and devotion which the Patriots had displayed in defence of their village were acknowledged by the British troops, to whom valour always appeals. So deadly in fact was the Patriot fire that the British commander had a narrow escape, his horse being shot under him, while the horses of several other British officers were also killed. Whatever else may be said, there can be no question of the valour displayed by the French-Canadian habitants. “On entering the town,” says a British officer who was in the engagement, “there was little quarter given, almost every man was put to death; in fact they fought too long before thinking of flight. Many of them were burned alive in the barns and houses which were fired as they would not surrender.... The loss of the rebels was great; their position was strong and they defended it with desperation.”[33]

Following the sanguinary combat the British guns were placed to guard the road in case of attack, and the officers and men retired to rest while the prisoners were placed under guard to pass the night in the village church. In this hour of desolation and despair the brave French-Canadians sought the consolation of their religion, and Lord Charles Beauclerk, one of the British officers, has left a striking picture of the pathetic scene. “In the centre of the church,” he says, “a large fire blazed, whilst groups of soldiers were regaling themselves. Along the gloomy aisles a single candle cast its dim light. By the altar lay stretched the dead bodies of the soldiers, whilst in the vestry room adjoining the church the prisoners were lodged, most of whom assumed a kneeling posture, engaged apparently in solemn and silent prayer. The scene made a deep impression on my mind not to be easily forgotten.”

After burying the dead and putting a portion of the village to the flames, Col. Wetherall with his whole force began the return march to Montreal, which was reached on November 30th, and the detachment, which was reported to have met with defeat, was greeted with enthusiasm.

Though it is difficult to see how the Patriots could ever have hoped for success in the field, had it not been for one of those unforeseen incidents which often have an important bearing on the course of events, the actual history of the rising of 1837 might well have been different. Shortly before the engagement at St. Charles couriers, sent by Sir John Colborne with orders to Col. Wetherall to make an immediate retreat upon Montreal, were arrested by Patriot pickets a few miles from the village. “If the couriers,” says one historian, “had not been arrested the battle of November 25th would not have taken place, the southern parishes, electrified by the victory at St. Denis, would have risen, arms which were expected from the United States would perhaps have arrived, and who knows what would have been the result? As England would not have been able to send out additional troops before the spring, the Patriots would have been until then masters of the situation, and who can say whether in the interval they would not have obtained the aid of the United States?”[34] All this of course, though interesting, is simply conjecture. Destiny determined that the Patriots should be defeated in the field, but that the principles for which they fought should be ultimately victorious in the political arena, and that Lower Canada should become, through the efforts of one of the combatants at St. Denis, an important province of a great Canadian commonwealth.

An Old Seigneurial Mill in the Richelieu District

While the conflict at St. Charles had been in progress the Patriots at St. Denis had not been idle, and young Cartier was one of the most active and energetic of the victorious force. Following the retreat of the British force, a meeting which Cartier attended was held at Nelson’s house to determine upon future action. It was a critical situation that the Patriots faced. They had compelled Col. Gore to retreat, but the chances were that the British commander would return with a much stronger force and that, in the event of Col. Wetherall being victorious, the Patriots at St. Denis would be caught between two fires. What was to be done under the circumstances? It was here that young Cartier gave proof of that coolness and resourcefulness under difficulties which were to stand him in good stead in many a critical situation during his public career. Some of those in attendance at the improvised council were in favour of abandoning the field at once. No such idea found favour with young Cartier, who on the contrary maintained that immediate steps should be taken to fortify the place. It was finally decided by a majority of the council, in accordance with Cartier’s advice, that the village should be put in a thorough state of defence. It was decided to maintain as a fortress the Saint Germain house, which had proved of such advantage, and to erect palisades to the north of the house as a further protection. Trees were cut down and all the roads leading to the village barricaded, the bridges were destroyed and sentinels were posted to warn the defenders of the approach of the troops. A large barn which commanded the highway was loopholed and transformed into a fortress. In all of these proceedings young Cartier was one of the most energetic spirits, displaying the utmost vigour and devotion and by his high spirits infusing courage into his comrades. He gave himself little rest, working uninterruptedly until he saw that everything possible had been done. All that remained was to await the course of events.

On the very day that the victims of the conflict at St. Denis were being buried the Patriot forces at St. Charles were being overcome, and the news of their defeat was not long in reaching the neighbouring parish. It was a crushing blow to the hopes of Nelson, Cartier and the other active spirits of the Patriot forces, who soon found themselves deserted by most of their followers. Curé Demers, of St. Denis, believing that the victorious British troops would march direct from St. Charles upon St. Denis and destroy the latter village, in the interest of humanity and in order to save St. Denis from destruction, used all his powers to persuade the people to throw down their arms and to return to their homes.[35] The effect was that the pickets soon deserted, the arms were stacked, the bridges repaired and the barricades abandoned.

Nelson managed to keep a small portion of his force intact until December 2nd, when, judging that there was no longer any hope for success, he decided to leave the place. He endeavoured as best he could to encourage his downcast friends. “Courage, my friends,” he exclaimed to his unfortunate followers whom he encountered on the way. To some of his friends he declared that if he had but twenty men to stand with him he would never abandon the field. For a portion of the way the Patriot leader was accompanied by young Cartier and several other staunch friends, but the party ere long took diverse routes in their efforts to reach the States. After proceeding some distance Cartier and his cousin Henri Cartier, who accompanied him, believing that they would be more secure amongst their friends, decided to retrace their steps, and after some days wandering found refuge in the house of Louis Chagnon dit La Rose, a rich farmer of the parish of Verchères, not many miles from Cartier’s native village of Saint Antoine.

In the meantime a report had gained currency that in seeking to make good their escape young Cartier and his companions had perished of cold and hunger in the woods. It was afterwards said that Cartier himself had had the report published in order to throw the pursuers off his trail and that when he read the report in a newspaper he remarked to his cousin, “Now, my dear Henri, we may sleep in peace.” However that may be, the report was generally believed and in announcing Cartier’s death Le Canadien, of Quebec, edited by the distinguished Étienne Parent, remarked: “He was a young man endowed in the highest degree with qualities of heart and mind and before whom a brilliant career opened.” Prophetic words which were to be happily realised!

For most of the winter Cartier and his cousin found safety in the home of the hospitable farmer, and they would likely have remained longer had not their presence been discovered by outsiders in a rather curious way. The servant of the household was at the time receiving court from one of the young men in the neighbourhood. Whenever he visited the house the refugees were in the habit of concealing themselves until he had taken his departure. But on one particular evening the young gallant happened to notice two pair of feet stretching from under the kitchen chimney. The secret was out; the young woman was obliged to confide it to her lover, at the same time enjoining strict silence. But the gallant was of a jealous nature and after holding his tongue for some time, one evening in the spring he made a scene, accusing his sweetheart of preferring the young men to him and threatening that not only would he divulge their hiding place, but that he would also denounce the farmer to the authorities. Cartier and his cousin accordingly decided to take their departure at once. They succeeded in reaching the States in safety and took up their residence first at Plattsburg, N.Y., and later at Burlington, Vt., where a number of the leading refugee Patriots, including Ludger Duvernay, the founder of the St. Jean Baptiste Association of which Cartier had been secretary, had found a safe retreat. At Burlington Cartier remained until the following August (1838), when, under the amnesty granted by Lord Gosford, he returned to Montreal, richer in experience and in wisdom from the stormy scenes through which he had passed.

Was the rising of 1837 a premeditated, preconceived rebellion or a spontaneous rising of the people against what they regarded as arbitrary and tyrannical measures? The weight of evidence inclines to the latter view. If we were to judge by the proceedings of the Sons of Liberty, and by some of the violent utterances made at the popular gatherings which preceded the rising, it might be regarded as positive that actual rebellion was in the minds of some of the agitators. But too much weight should not be attached to sentiments expressed amidst the heat and passion of the time. Many of the speakers, doubtless smarting under what they sincerely regarded as the unjust and tyrannical conduct of the ruling class, allowed their feelings to get the better of their reason and used expressions that they would not have used in their calmer moments. Eventually a considerable number of the people, unduly excited by a long course of agitation, spontaneously rose to the support of the popular leaders, when those whom the people regarded as the vindicators of their rights were threatened with seizure. It would, however, be erroneous to regard the mass of Lower Canada as being desirous of rebellion. As a matter of fact the rising was confined to a comparatively small portion of the country, the six counties of the Richelieu district being as we have seen the hot-bed of dissatisfaction. In the parliamentary arena even Papineau’s followers were divided as to the wisdom of his course in the latter stages of the agitation, with the result that a split occurred in the ranks of the reformers. While Papineau continued to have the support of LaFontaine, Morin, Girouard, Viger and others, a number of his followers formed what was known as the moderate group, composed almost exclusively of members from the district of Quebec and including such men as Bédard, the mover of the “Ninety-two resolutions”; Caron, afterwards Lieut.-Governor of the province, Vanfelson, Huot and J. B. Taché. It was the desire of the moderates to avert a collision between the several branches of the legislature, hoping to obtain the reforms demanded by constitutional means. They were seconded in the press by the able pen of Étienne Parent, who, with conspicuous ability, directed Le Canadien, which had long been the exponent of popular rights. Though in a minority in the Assembly, the moderates were not without influence in the country. The extreme utterances at this period of some leading men who were afterwards noted for their prudence and moderation is to be explained by their youth and inexperience and by the natural indignation they felt at the pernicious system of government.

The Roman Catholic Church, ever the upholder of law and order, used all its influence to restrain the agitation within constitutional bounds. The bishops and clergy, whose influence had been largely instrumental in preserving Canada to the British Crown during the American revolution, had not been indifferent to the struggle of the people for their political rights. The saintly Bishop Plessis not only firmly held out for the full recognition of ecclesiastical prerogatives and the liberty granted the Church by treaty, but also raised his powerful voice in favour of justice to his compatriots. He was one of the strongest opponents of the proposed union project of 1822, the ill-disguised object of which was the subordination of the French-Canadians, and until his death in 1825 he warmly seconded Papineau in his demands for constitutional reforms. But, when the agitation eventually threatened to pass beyond the constitutional limit, the bishops and clergy almost without exception raised their voices for law and order. Mgr. Lartigue, Bishop of Montreal, addressed a pastoral letter to the clergy and all the faithful of his diocese, solemnly warning them against opposition to the constituted authorities, and his example was followed by the other bishops. In this respect the spiritual heads of the people, as Cartier afterwards acknowledged, showed more prudence and foresight than some of the popular leaders whose inflammatory utterances were calculated to inflame passions already at fever heat.[36]

Papineau, Nelson and the other patriot leaders subsequently disclaimed in the strongest language that it was ever their intention to ferment a rebellion, and declared that the rising was a spontaneous action on the part of the people.[37] In a narrative of Nelson’s participation in the troubles, published in 1851 and inspired by the former Patriot leader himself, it was emphatically declared “that while it was the object of the leaders to employ the most unequivocal terms of remonstrance it was not their intention to overstep the limits of legitimate discussion and reproval, knowing full well that the very worst interpretation would be given to their proceedings; already accusations of sedition might be fabricated for the purpose of tormenting if not violently punishing ‘the audacious men for their treason’ against not the mother country, nor against the law of the land, for it was well known that this was never contemplated, but in truth and solely for their opposition to the miserable handful of place-men and place-ministers, constituting the most odious oligarchy that ever insulted and oppressed a country and forced it to assume a position of self-defence.”

“In the strict acceptation of the term,” says another who took an active part in the rising, “there was no definitely planned revolt, but the people, spontaneously and without concert, determined upon protecting their leaders. This put numbers in arms that gave to the country an appearance of preconcerted rebellion, but there was no such thing; and if proof were requisite it could be found in the unprepared state of the people in point of armament, there being generally two or three pitchforks and as many scythes and flails to one fowling piece, and this not always of the best. The immediate aim of the country was not the overthrow of British dominion; it was a movement of self-protection against an arbitrary exercise of ministerial and judicial power.”[38]

As far as Cartier was concerned, he had no reason to be ashamed of the part he played in the rising, nor did he ever offer any apologies for his conduct during this period of his career. Speaking at St. Denis some years subsequent to the rising, he referred to that epoch in terms which showed that the cause for which the Patriots had fought was just, though he was inclined to blame the political course of those who had been the leaders of public opinion at the time. “There is no longer any danger,” he said on that occasion, “of a return to the events of 1837, caused by the actions of a minority which desired to dominate the majority and exploit the government in its own interests. The events of 1837 have been badly interpreted. The object of the people was rather to reduce this oppressive minority to nothingness than to bring about a separation of the province from the mother-country. But happily we can hope to have fair play since the advent of responsible government which obliges the head of the administration to surround himself with advisers enjoying the confidence of the majority. The minority to-day finds itself powerless to do evil. It is in vain that it seeks to raise its head to again dominate, it has been crushed at that game.... The responsibility for the unfortunate events of 1837 rests upon the heads of those who directed public opinion at that epoch. Mr. Viger was one of those, and with the influence that he had he should have better advised his compatriots; he and his friends, I say, should have acted in a more enlightened and foreseeing manner.”

The rising of 1837 was not, as Cartier pointed out, a rising against British authority or British connection, but against the vicious system of government which then prevailed in Canada. Though the rising was doomed to failure from the outset, the principles for which the Patriots fought, and their devotion to which they sealed with their blood, were founded on justice and liberty, and they were before many years had elapsed to receive full recognition in the concession of responsible government.