Читать книгу Roman Public Life - A. H. J. Greenidge - Страница 35

As interpreted by Mommsen,[290] who holds that the figures are given in asses sextantarii [i.e. asses of two ounces weight—⅙ of the libral as (the later sestertius)].		As interpreted by Belot,[291] who holds that the figures are given in asses librales (later sestertii).
	The older as (¼ denarius)	Later (circa 269 B.C.) equivalent to ⅒ denarius
1st Classis	40,000	100,000		100,000
2nd ”	30,000	75,000		75,000
3rd ”	20,000	50,000		50,000
4th ”	10,000	25,000		25,000
5th ”	4,400	11,000		12,500

Another century was formed by the accensi or velati. These were men with no heavy armour, who might be enrolled as occasion required (adscripticii), or who marched to battle as light-armed troops ready at any moment to take the armour and places of the fallen legionaries.[292] No property qualification was required for these three groups, the reason being that their place in the army did not demand it. But to these Livy and Dionysius add another unpropertied class, the century of proletarii, which included the whole mass of the people not registered in the classes.[293] If, however, we believe in the originally military character of the organisation, there seems no place for this class which is not already filled by the accensi and velati. At a later period the accensi became a more definite body, acting as assistants to the magistrates and forming a corporation with certain immunities,[294] and at this period the proletarii may have been recognised as the class liable to taxation, which fell below the minimum census. But they probably do not belong to the original Servian organisation.

The citizens included in the census list were collectively described as classici, and were spoken of as locupletes and assidui, the latter word probably meaning people “settled on land,” “landholders,” as most of those originally enrolled in the classes were.[295] The others were the children-begetting citizens (proletarii cives). The use of the census for purposes of taxation gave other names to this class. In contrast to the assidui, who were registered on their property, they were called capite censi as being registered on their caput or mere headship of a family; and further, when the incidence of taxation extended below the minimum census, they were spoken of as aerarii, because their participation in the burdens of the state was shown only by the payment of taxes (aes). The word aerarii seems always to have denoted those outside the census list.[296]

The cavalry was an adaptation of the old patrician corps of equites[297] to the new conditions. The six original centuries were preserved and consisted as before of Patricians;[298] they still bore the names of the ancient tribes, and were called respectively Titienses, Ramnes, Luceres, priores and posteriores.[299] They continued to be known as the sex centuriae, or (after the centuries acquired voting power) the sex suffragia.[300]

To these were added twelve new centuries (centuriae equitum), composed, like the classes, of Patricians and Plebeians. But, unlike the classes, they were not enrolled on a property qualification. This is explained by the fact that they are not a list of men qualified for service but actually in service, a standing corps selected by the king and whose expenses were largely defrayed by the state. In later times, each knight was on his entrance into the corps given the means wherewith to furnish himself with a pair of horses[301] (aes equestre), and also a regular sum of money for their support (aes hordearium), the latter money being defrayed by unmarried women and orphans, who were possessed of property but could not by the nature of the case be rated in the census.[302]

Each of these centuries formed a troop of one hundred men under a centurio,[303] and these eighteen centuries of Roman knights with public horses (equites Romani equo publico) continued unaltered in numbers and (with the exception that the sex suffragia ceased to be chosen from the Patricians) in character to the end of the Republic. Although no definite census was required for the class, it was probably chosen from the first from the richest and most distinguished citizens; for its permanent existence implies leisure. The class was not divided by age into seniores and juniores, for an obvious military reason. They were all juniores, and probably young men, whose release from the centuries was granted as soon as age had impaired their efficiency for service.

This centuriate organisation seems to have little or no connexion with the four Servian tribes,[304] beyond the accidental one that the basis of qualification was mainly land, and that all land which was private property was registered in the tribes. Its primary meaning was the assembly and registration of those liable for military service. It acquired a secondary meaning when (at what period we do not know but perhaps from its first organisation) it was used as a scheme for the collection of taxes on the registered wealth of the citizens in the classes. The act of registration (census) was a solemn religious function conducted by the king. He numbered his fighting force, saw that each warrior was in his due rank, excluded from these ranks men who were stained with sin, and then concluded the examination with a ceremony of purification (lustrum). It is only with reference to the collection of taxes imposed at this levy that the tribe would be of importance. The century was a military unit, dissolved as soon as the army was disbanded; the tribe was permanent, hence the war-tax (tributum) was perhaps collected from the first by the presidents of the tribes.[305]

A transference of political rights from the patrician body to this new assembly was so far from being the motive of the change that it was probably never contemplated. But such a transference was from the nature of things inevitable. Apart from the general fact that a citizen army must gain the preponderance in political power, there were certain public acts which were inevitably performed from the first by the assembly of the centuries, or were very soon found to be more rapidly, easily, and appropriately performed by that assembly than by the comitia of the curiae.

Firstly, it may have been the custom for the oath of allegiance to the king, first expressed in the lex curiata,[306] to have been renewed at every taking of the census. This expression of allegiance, asked for by the magistrate, was now a lex centuriata.[307]

Secondly, most of the popular utterances or leges of early Rome must have referred to military matters, and convenience, if not a sense of consistency, must soon have dictated that they should be pronounced by the army. The choice of officers rested with the king; but if the appointment of the higher delegates required the ratification of the people,[308] this must soon have been given by the centuries. The regal jurisdiction which the people challenge by the provocatio is essentially military jurisdiction;[309] and consequently the exercise of this jurisdiction, when the king allowed the appeal, must soon have been felt to belong to the army. It was to this assembly that the announcement of a proposal to declare war[310] would most appropriately be made; it was above all by this assembly, which represented the taxpayers, that the war-tax (tributum) would most appropriately be assessed.

We cannot trace the successive steps in the acquisition of power by the centuries or its growth from an army into a comitia. They must have been the chief political changes which filled the closing years of the monarchy and the early days of the Republic; for even the abolition of monarchy itself, revolutionary as it was, was less of an alteration in the structure of the constitution than this transference of the attributes of sovereignty from one assembly to another, from a single to a mixed order. The comitia curiata was not suddenly stripped of its powers; but the organising genius of a single supreme magistrate had prepared the way for a change, which was a prototype of the gradual insensible revolutions through which Rome was to pass.

The change which closes the history of this period, although not so radical, was far more sudden and violent. The monarchy itself was overthrown. History has tried to invest this revolution with all the legal grounds and legal forms which it could summon to its assistance. Servius had had it in his mind to complete his democratic work by laying down the full imperium;[311] and Tarquin the Proud, the last of the great Etruscan line, had broken through the constitutional usages of the monarchy[312] and had ruled without challenging the allegiance of the people.[313] That there was some fearful abuse of the kingly power, typified in the associations that gathered round the words rex and regnum and in the oath which made any one who aspired to monarchy an outlaw,[314] we may without hesitation allow; for Rome, as shown by the power she continued to entrust to her magistrates, had not outgrown the idea of royalty. But there was no constitutional mode of deposing a king. The auspices had returned to the fathers in unhallowed fashion, and the war waged by Tarquin and Etruria is a war for the maintenance of the principle of divine right. But yet Rome held that the divinity of the magistracy still remained; the auspices again left the fathers’ hands and were conferred on two citizens chosen from the patres.[315]