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II. Memling between History and Legend
Popular Traditions
ОглавлениеThe House of Burgundy, so powerful and so brilliant since the end of the fourteenth century, slid towards its ruin, when it could have consolidated itself forever. Charles the Bold succeeded the prudent and wise Philip the Good. This unfortunate prince portrayed himself as a poet turned away from his path. Noble instincts, signs of human greatness, which one does not find in Louis XI, that cunning and perfidious monarch, one finds in his antagonist. As a young man, he liked the view of the ocean; he walked on abandoned beaches, dreaming of the murmur of tides and breeze: the divine image of infinity exalted his heroic soul. Fishermen frequently saw him follow their dinghies, full of secret thoughts. In order not to be disturbed from his reading he had a high tower constructed at Gorcum. There, in the presence of Wahal, near this location by an arm of the sea, he devoured stories of fearless men and old books of chivalry. In his studies he showed great promise; he was then courteous and gentle, because his intelligence did not yet have excessive strength, and he was intoxicated with the ideal and with contemplation; the depths of his spirit carried themselves on the depths of immensity. In his dreams there mixed pious sentiments and a particular devotion to the Virgin. One notes, said one of his biographers, that he had angelically clear eyes.
Later, when he lived in the mountains, he became passionate about them. It was another infinity. His imagination enjoyed following the clouds and the limitless blue of the sky over the white mountain peaks, domes a-glittering. The colossal size and the majestic forms that they unfurled matched his enthusiasm and the spirit of his heart. Music must have also charmed him: the obscure and gentle magic of calm sounds puts even the strongest souls to sleep. When Luther could not master his restlessness, he played his flute; he played a soft and tranquil harmony, whose notes appeased the storm of his thoughts. Charles the Bold needed this placid influence. He naively let himself by nurtured by melodious accords, and the tempest stilled in his breast.
His body was as robust as his spirit. He had strong arms, long hands, solid legs, vigourous kidneys: he struck down the roughest jousters and seemed indefatigable. He spoke smoothly, debating for long periods and ending as the firm champion in battles of logic.
A man made like this must have been naturally brave. Where did the fear come from? It was more proper to defy peril than to avoid it. Also, he never gave any indication of fear; he despised death, and he cried out, like Caesar in Shakespeare: “Danger knows full well / That Caesar is more dangerous than he: / We are two lions litter’d in one day, / And I the elder and more terrible.”
Love of order and justice must have also played a part in his temperament. As soon as the old Duke died, his heir changed the pace of his joyous home. “More large communal tables,” said Jules Michelet (1798–1874), “where the officers and Lords ate with the Master, were created. He divided them into different tables where, at the end of the meal, they filed in front of the prince, who noted the absentees; the absentee lost one day’s wages. No other man was more exact, more laborious, etc.”[16] He was a jurist: the rules of human conduct that thought discovered, deepened and showed as necessary, he wanted followed strictly; he did not allow deviations or modifications. These terms were also meant for the lower classes: the hoi-polloi, in order to please him, had to submit entirely and rigorously to the yoke of the law. Here, as with everything, he pushed to the extreme. His rigid and inflexible intelligence was as bold as his bravery. Hence his own extreme irritability; resistance, delays, uncertainty or lack of success shocked him personally; they wounded the very bottom of his audacious, valiant, and despotic nature. Why did events not obey him like his subjects did? He gave orders, and everything seemed possible to him, but for the foundering of his plans. If he encountered weak-willed opposition and the battle was prolonged, he became enraged; he castigated his adversaries. Impatience and pride pushed him to cruelty.
Seeing him after a defeat, you could not judge him by his countenance. During the siege of Neuss, a tiny town, the obstinate courage of the villagers made him beside himself with anger. In his fury, he did not want to rest; he slept in a chair in full armour, thus increasing his exasperation. He forgot only one thing, that the use of crafty methods brought success and doubled one’s strength. His will was so strong, so imperious, that he did not calculate his plans: it seemed that everything must bend before this type of power. But, by the same excess, it became dangerous; ardour, exaggerated and blind, disarmed the prince: it dissolved against obstacles, not like the sea that weakens and sweeps along the rocks, but like the sailor pushed by the waves, whose ship breaks apart against the cliffs.
After the battle of Granson, having drawn back to Lausanne, he experienced unbelievable tortures. His forced inaction, shame and thirst for vengeance stabbed him with a thousand stingers. He remained “in the city, but in his camp on the peak that looked out onto the lake and the Alps. Alone and wild, he left his beard long; he had said that he would not cut it until he saw the Swiss. Finally, he let his doctor, Angelo Catto, see him. The Duchess of Savoy came to console him, bringing silk from her home to dress him; he remained devastated, in as much disorder as Granson had caused.”[17] Following Morat, it was endless despair. How does one bear such complete ruin? He, the bravest of the brave, the imperious master, chivalrous and poetic soul, fled, ran with his head to the ground! Everything evaded him, honour, power, victory! The world laughed, his enemies triumphed. For such a haughty spirit, to yield was to die. A moral blindness struck him, vertigo seized him: a little later, he died pitifully, victim of his own enthusiastic exaggeration and heroic stiffness.
Martin Schongauer, The Holy Family, 1475–1480. Oil on panel, 26 × 17 cm. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.
Hans Memling, Virgin and Child, c. 1467. Oil on oak panel, 40 × 29 cm. Royal Museums of Fine Arts of Belgium, Brussels.
Anonymous, Virgin and Child, between 1460 and 1500. Oil on oak panel, 29 × 18 cm. Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp.
Charles the Bold’s elevated tastes, his brilliant education, his fastidious love, stimulated him to encourage the arts. He had a large number of sumptuously-decorated manuscripts made, which the Burgundy library still possesses. After Granson and Morat, the Swiss found beautiful objects in his tent; people who visit Berne still admire them. His vehemence began the Netherlands’ misfortune and the fall of the Bruges school, but during his reign everything was under his protection. It is believed that Memling was one of the official painters whom he brought to his wars, and who followed him for most of his life.[18]
The “Official Painter” status signified for Memling membership in Charles the Bold’s court. These opulent and luxurious surroundings were not without influence on the painter and, in consequence, on the treatment of his paintings. We can see the artist’s predilection for the costly and valuable fabrics in which he often dressed his female figures.
The archives of the St Luke Corporation in Bruges allow us to confirm the status of the painter: the name Memling is only found one single time. He could not have been a student because the list of members starts in the year 1453, but as a painter he must have been registered, according to the statutes, when he publicly exercised his profession in the city. Only one single reason could have exempted him from this, that of the position of Official Painter to royalty. This advantage that he obtained has an unwelcome consequence for us: it does not allow us to know during what period he lived in the commune after leaving Brussels, where Rogier Van der Weyden was living, or which students were in his workshop. There is no doubt that he helped to shape many eminent pupils, whom we cannot now name without substituting conjecture for positive proof. Be that as it may, everything seems to confirm the popular tradition that Memling was present on 5 January 1477 at the Battle of Nancy and was obliged, like others, to flee over the snow-covered fields.
Shortly after this cruel defeat, a man of a certain age entered Bruges by the gate that led towards Damme. He was pale and walked along slowly; an illness seemed to deplete his strength, his tattered outfit advertised his poverty. A white blanket of snow hid the dirt from the streets and the roofs of the houses; a black sky unfurled itself over the city, and the wind groaned sadly through the streets. The traveller stopped from time to time, as if nearly fainting, then continued his march. His friends no longer recognised him, or seeing him in such unfortunate circumstances, turned away from him. What was he to do? What resting place to choose? Which charitable heart to implore? The unfortunate man headed towards the hospital, this sanctuary of virtue. He had barely rung the bell of the Saint John monastery when he fell, nearly fainting, to the ground. The monks carried him to one of their rooms, examined him, saw that he was suffering from a wound and lavished their care on him. He had battled his suffering for days; but months of care reinvigourated him, spring chased away the groups of clouds that whitened the plains of the sky. The traveller recovered his health little by little; he spoke of his art, of his paintings, and the great Memling was recognised.
As soon as he was well enough to work, he asked for paint-brushes. Brother Jan Floreins Van der Riist, an amateur painter, procured all the necessary instruments for him. With one hand still unsteady, the poor artist painted several pieces, which he presented to the hospice in recognition of the care that they had given him. At the hospital the remains of Saint Ursula and her Companions were kept in an old reliquary, in fairly poor condition. One day the painter brought up to Jan Floreins the idea of making it a sparkling reliquary, where one could place these relics from another era…but what happened? What cloud came to obscure our view? Lines, colours fading little by little… It is the legend that does not remember and one must ask history for more ample information.
An important but curious fact, although minor, seems to be a witness in favour of popular tradition. In the Mystic Marriage of Saint Catherine, one of the paintings that St John’s Hospital possesses, four columns align behind the Virgin’s throne; the chapters on the left represent an angel who announces the birth of Saint John the Baptist to his father Zachariah, then the fulfillment of the prediction. The chapters on the right depict a man who has fallen in the street, to whom someone offers a drink, then he is transported to the hospital on a stretcher. These two miniatures that unfurl almost unnoticed, and discovered by accident, have such a close relationship with the story of the artist that they seem to confirm it. Does Memling not appear to have wanted to recount the sad and curious episode of his arrival at the monastery? It is difficult to believe that such a perfect coincidence was an accident.
Hans Memling, Benedetto Portinari Triptych (central panel), 1487. Oil on wood, 41.5 × 31.5 cm. Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin.
Jean Fouquet, Virgin and Child with Seraphim and Cherubim, c. 1450. Oil on wood panel, 91 × 80 cm. Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp.
16
“Il avait l’œil à tout; quiconque ne se serait pas trouvé à l’heure ou à la place prescrite, qui aurait manqué à la chapelle ou à l’audience, l’écuyer qui se serait mis entre les chevaliers, celui qui serait allé à l’offrande avant son tour, étaient bien assurés de quelque sévère leçon. Souvent même, lorsque ses serviteurs et ses nobles barons étaient rangés autour de son fauteuil, il leur faisait, ainsi qu’un orateur, des sermons sur la conduite qu’ils devaient tenir, sur les vertus de leur rang et de leur état, les admonestant avec gravité et hauteur.” (“He had his eye on everything; anyone who was late or not in their prescribed place, who missed chapel or a hearing, the squire who placed himself amongst the knights, and he who made his offering during the collection at mass before his turn, could all be sure of a severe lesson. Often, with his servants and barons gathered around his chair, he would even lecture them like an orator, giving sermons on how they should behave, on the virtues of their rank and state, gravely and haughtily admonishing them.”) De Barante: Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne (after Chastelain).
17
Michelet, Histoire de France.
18
“Sa tente était entourée de quatre cents autres, où logeaient tous les seigneurs de sa cour et les serviteurs de sa maison. Au dehors brillait l’écusson de ses armes, orné de perles et de pierreries; le dedans était tendu de velours rouge brodé en feuillages d’or et de perles; des fenêtres, dont les vitraux étaient enchâssés dans des baguettes d’or, y avaient été ménagées. Le fauteuil, où il recevait les ambassadeurs et donnait ses solennelles audiences, était d’or massif, etc.” (“His tent was surrounded by four hundred others, where all the knights of his court and servants of his household were living. On the outside gleamed the escutcheon emblazoned with his arms, decorated with pearls and gems; the inside was hung with red velvet embroidered with leaves of gold and pearls. Windows had been put in to the walls of the tent, with stained glass set into gold. The chair, in which he received ambassadors and gave solemn audiences, was made of solid gold, etc.”) Histoire des ducs de Bourgogne by M. De Barante.