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"John," said the President of the United States to his private secretary, "did you send those nominations over to the Senate?"

"I did, sir."

"Were any confirmed?"

"Yes; the Ministers to Venus, Jupiter, Saturn and Uranus, and the postmasters at London, Paris, Rome, Berlin and Dublin. The asteroid consulships were laid over, and so were most of the nominations for the home offices, the post offices in South America, and the District Attorneyships of Asia and Africa."

"Well, drop a line to the State Department, telling the Secretary to telegraph to Mercury, Venus, Jupiter and Saturn, asking the representatives of the late Administration for their resignations. By the way, the man in Mars is to be retained-don't make any mistake. He is a good business man, represents us well, and I don't care if he is an oppositionist-he's good till he does something to be bounced for."

The private secretary withdrew. The President sat down at a walnut desk and opened a map of the Moon, on which the volume and value of that satellite's principal products were illustrated in a colored chart, while on the representation of the moon's surface itself corresponding colors indicated the regions producing the staples mentioned in the chart. The Moon had just applied for a commercial treaty with the United States, and the question demanded of the President the gravest consideration, in the light of the productive capacity of the territories under American control.

At this point a messenger of Australian extraction entered, with a card.

"Show him in," said the President.

A minute later the Secretary of the Treasury appeared.

"I have just heard from the Secretary of State," said he. "The importers of the Transvaal will be anxious for this treaty, but there will be bitter opposition in Brazil."

"Well, they will have a chance to talk when the treaty goes before the Senate for ratification. Curious, isn't it, that after all the bitter fight which the House made at the end of the nineteenth century against the infringement of its prerogatives regarding revenue legislation, it should have come to yield so completely to the Senate in everything, as it does now?"

"Yes; did you notice how many bills were introduced in the Senate yesterday? two thousand three hundred and sixty."

"How many in the House?" asked the President.

"Fourteen. Speaker Smith told me last night that the members of the House didn't think it worth while to introduce bills any more; the Senate would kill them regardless of party, unless they favored the millionaires, and bills of the latter kind always get introduced into the Senate first."

"By the way, how is Smith's senatorship fight coming on?"

"Oh! between ourselves, he has no show, and he knows it. Why, old man Pluterson, of Calcutta, is running against him, and they say he has bought up the whole East India Legislature."

"A blamed shame!" said the President; "but let's get to business. Who's a good man to negotiate this Moonish treaty?"

"Much Tin, of Pekin."

"Why?"

"Because he is rich enough to be beyond temptation, and honest enough to be a decent sort of a fellow when he isn't tempted."

"Let's see-isn't he vice-president of the Earth and Mars Ether Fast Line?"

"Yes."

"Then I guess he's rich enough for us. I think his grandfather held a controlling interest in that solid concern when it started."

"He's out inspecting the line somewhere, now."

"Any idea where?"

"I think he will be in Mars to-night."

"Telegraph and ask him how soon he can be in Washington."

"I don't think I can get off a despatch before tomorrow-a comet has interrupted the electric current for twelve hours, and is only half-way across its path."

"Oh! then the mail will reach him in time. I'll get Jack to write to him, so that the letter will catch him as he stops in the Moon on his way back."

The President pressed a knob twice, and Jack reappeared.

"Jack, write to the Hon. Much Tin, care American Minister to the Moon, asking him to wait there for a special commission from me, and for further instructions."

Jack retired. Half an hour later the Secretary of the Treasury also went home.

The Australian messenger brought in another card. It read "Weber Lockmore."

"Show him in!" again said the President. "Well, young man," said he, to the new arrival, "I have just half an hour to give you today. What can I do for you?"

"You have now been in office long enough to know your ground pretty thoroughly, and I want an interview."

"I supposed so." They seated themselves on opposite sides of a desk and the Washington correspondent immediately opened fire with questions.

"First, Mr. President, tell me the civil service reform outlook."

"Civil service reform," said the President, "has abolished one ancient maxim: 'To the victors belong the spoils.' It must yet abolish another; namely: 'To the Senate belong the spoils.'"

"Wait a moment, Mr. President. Do you regard the first maxim as entirely abolished?"

"I do, so far as its power for evil is concerned. It has, however, a power for good which must be recognized. In fact, there are very few, if any, doctrines to be found anywhere in the history of the world of thought, which have not a germ of truth at the heart of them. When, therefore, we speak of abolition, we cannot mean total abolition, and at the same time be rational. We can only abolish certain aspects or acceptations of a doctrine. The truth in it will live in spite of us, even if it has to take an entirely new shape to do it. Every doctrine or maxim represents some tendency, some craving of human nature, and in one sense is true. It may be but partially true in that it ignores some opposing but equally essential demand of human nature, and must be translated into some other mode of thought, as into a language, before it can be brought into consistency with that other demand; but that is the fault of mental language, not of the truth expressed by it."

"What, then, is the truth at the bottom of the old spoils doctrine?"

"Why, the truth that your newspapers are continually holding up to your readers, in your efforts to get good men to run for office: the truth that it is an honorable thing to serve one's fellow-men; that it is worth striving after; that the strivers should be rewarded in proportion to their merit in the strife. Now that we have got our principles clear, is it not becoming as clear that the abuse of those principles, and not their right use in harmony with the necessity of pure and effective service, is at the root of all the need of civil service reform?"

"I see, Mr. President. Now, tell me how far the maxim, 'To the victors belong the spoils' can, in your judgment, safely be applied to the public service as a permanent principle."

"It must be applied so far as to keep up the organization of opposing parties, and to stimulate public interest in the affairs of the Government. To understand me, you must imagine the offices of the Government divided into an upper and a lower stratum. Now, the best interest of the public service demands that that lower stratum shall be filled by persons who hold their positions during good behavior, regardless of their politics; in other words, a permanent office-holding class. The original spoils doctrine, you will remember, made all these lower offices the prey of professional politicians. When the notion of civil service reform began to obtain, the spirit of the law would have protected the lower stratum of office-holders but for a term that was introduced into our political vocabulary to suit the occasion. This term was: 'offensive partisanship.' It was extremely elastic, and when executive supremacy passed from one party to another, the members of the defeated party who occupied the lower stratum were removed from their positions by the victorious members of the other party who had entered the upper stratum, on what were, in many cases, inadequate pretexts. An official might have conducted his office to the utmost satisfaction of all reasonable persons, but if he had exercised his right of free speech, or free press, to utter his partisan views in public, he was convicted of 'offensive partisanship' by superior officers, who united in their own persons the capacities of judge, prosecutor and jury. The subordinate official was beheaded, and his place was given to some even more 'offensive partisan,' in every rational sense of those two words, who belonged to the other party.

"But that application of the term was too absurdly unjust to last. It began to dawn on men's minds that a citizen did not forfeit his rights of citizenship-the rights to speak, to participate in campaigns, to manage them and to contribute to campaign funds-when he entered the public service. It was hard to root the idea out, because the vicious rotation principle held it in. One party would say: They turned us out when they had the power; now that we have the power, we will turn them out;' and thus history repeated itself with each party change, until it gradually began to be recognized that the interests of the public service were still suffering. Then a new principle was enunciated; namely, that a subordinate official who did not neglect his public duties, or abuse them for partisan purposes, was valuable in direct proportion to his participation in the duties of private citizenship, regardless of the party in behalf of which he performed the latter duties. At first, close watching was required, but gradually an unwritten law enacted itself-that official privileges must not be abused for party purposes, and official duties must not be neglected for party duties, any more than for any other cause."

"Are you hopeful, Mr. President, that this unwritten law will be universally respected in time?"

"I am."

"Why, then, may I ask, do you insist on making the upper stratum of public offices the permanent goal of party strifes? Why not make that stratum, as well as the lower one, exemplify civil service reform?"

"Because, my dear fellow, the upper stratum already exemplifies civil service reform. I have not yet told you where I would draw the line between the upper and the lower strata. It is a variable line, because parties and their principles vary. It is simply the line separating the offices in which party policy is carried out from those which have nothing to do with it."

"How, then, can you protect the office holders in the lower stratum by law?"

"I do not want any law. I want to do it by the pressure of enlightened public opinion, by unwritten law, by the right of the public to the best service that their officers can give them. Now, can't you see that when the people think a certain party's policy is demanded by the situation, the interests of the public require that the public service should be modified so far as to include men who will enforce that policy?"

"That is clear."

"Now, is it not equally clear that an office-holding aristocracy can be avoided by making the office-holders of the lower stratum feel that the office-holders of the upper stratum can turn them out if they neglect their duties or abuse their powers; that the offices do not belong to them, but to the public, and that their superiors, (who may, after any election, be new men with new ideas fresh from the people) have a motive to turn them out, if there is an excuse for doing so?"

"Mr. President, I think I understand you now."

"You can now see that civil service reform is not a question of laws, so much as one of the high or low tone of public opinion, and that it depends on the people themselves. The civil masters, and not the civil servants, make or mar governments."

"Now, Mr. President, tell me what you mean by the maxim: 'to the Senate belong the spoils.'"

"Simply this: that the President, no matter how desirous he may be of appointing good men to positions which are subject to confirmation by the Senate, must appoint only such men as the Senate is willing to confirm. Responsibility is divided between the President and the Senate, and each blames the other when things go wrong. I wish the Senate could be induced to surrender its Constitutional privilege of confirmation, but of course it will not. Civil service reform will never be accomplished until it does."

"What remedy can you suggest, Mr. President?"

"First, last, and all the time, the education of public opinion up to a plane at which good, honest, capable and independent men will always be elected to the Senate, and to the House. I say the House, because the President is forced to depend largely on members of the House for his knowledge of the character of those whom he appoints. Our territory now embraces the whole world, and may in time include other worlds, so the difficulty of one man doing more than acting on the recommendations of other men is likely to increase indefinitely. Secondly, the civil service must be reduced in depth, as it, by reason of continual territorial expansion, increases in extent. By this I mean that as many duties as possible must be continually referred back to the States. The States, in time, can distribute their duties among the country or other local district authorities, and the general principle must be pushed and urged everywhere, that individual and unofficial forces should do as much as possible of all that needs to be done, without the aid of any public authority or governmental machinery whatever. This principle must be the ultimate hope of every great country."

At this point the half hour which the President had at the correspondent's disposal expired, and another visitor arrived, evidently by previous engagement. The correspondent, of whom the reader will learn more hereafter, withdrew.