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One’s first impressions of Quebec yield a joy that cannot be recaptured on subsequent visits; yet the better you get to know that old city, the more you love it.

There was no moon shining when, nine years ago, a ship that had voyaged for days across the sea, and for hours through the night, brought me suddenly into view of an escarpment aglow with myriad friendly lights. And soon a quaint old Frenchman in a white hat was driving me in a quaint old carriage up quaint, steep streets where lamp-light gave glimpses of walls of naked rock and mellow brickwork, of venerable gabled houses with green shutters, of noble buildings grey with antiquity, and of stately monuments standing amid leafy gardens, with here and there a moss-grown cannon peeping out of its crumbling embrasure. Nor was it long before, in the garden of the Château Frontenac—that huge, handsome hotel—I was stealing nasturtium blooms.

Next day revealed how beautiful is the situation of Quebec. Standing on Dufferin Terrace—that superb promenade running along the brow of the cliff—you look out upon the great blue river sweeping through a landscape of purple mountains. Quebec has been well defined as “a small bit of mediæval Europe perched upon a rock,” and Charles Dickens wrote of “its giddy heights, its citadel suspended, as it were, in air; its picturesque steep streets and frowning gateways.”

The old French capital is a pleasure resort. Thousands of American tourists visit it every year; golf is played on the battlefield where Wolfe fell victorious; and the city’s ice carnivals and other winter frolics are famous. The old French capital is also of growing commercial importance, and its industries must receive a great impetus from the new St. Lawrence bridge—the largest cantilever structure in the world—and the projected dock extensions. But the old French capital commands admiration mainly for its age and its associations. Of all the fine Canadian cities it is the finest and the least Canadian. Quebec even possesses two slums—the only two slums, I verily believe, in the entire Dominion; and they are far too picturesque to be demolished.

It is surprising to find such an obvious piece of the Old World at the threshold of the New World; and Quebec’s antiquity is emphasised when, on travelling through the Dominion, one notes the modern aspect of the other cities. Clues to that contrast will be found in Canada’s lop-sided history.

Indeed, to look at the Dominion through the historian’s telescope is to be baffled by a picture that will not get into focus. An eastern portion is full of background, middle-distance and foreground; southern and western strips reveal nothing but foreground; a central northern region has detail only in the middle distance; and the bulk of the area is equally without definition here, there and beyond. In other words, one part of the Dominion has much history, other parts have some, and many parts have none.

As I have already hinted, the word “Canada” is a territorial ambiguity, since it applies both to a little old country (with a history commencing in the year 1000, when Icelandic settlers in Greenland discovered Labrador) and to a large new country (with a history commencing in 1873, when Confederation was completed). In reviewing the evolution of the Dominion, therefore, it is difficult to keep history in anything like a proportionate relation to geography. Ancient Canada, being so rich in material for the historian, is apt to monopolise nearly all his space. Beginning with events contemporaneous with the Saxon era in England, he plods through the centuries, peppering his pages with memorable dates, unrolling a long scroll of illustrious names, tracing the varying fortunes of two races and three nationalities in their struggles for supremacy, and recording bloody battles innumerable. When he has done all that, he finds himself with latitude for only vague and brief mention of the bulk of the Dominion; and his readers, thinking they have been reading a history of Canada (whereas they have only been reading a history of a fraction of Canada) are left with an unfortunate impression that Canada is an old, instead of a new, country.

To follow the course of events, one must eliminate existing geographical boundaries from one’s mind, and think of eastern North America (stretching along the present seaboards of Canada and the United States) as a whole.

Voyagers from England and Portugal got there first, towards the close of the fifteenth century; but France and Spain took the lead in forming colonies. The situation soon resolved itself into a rivalry between the French and the English.

In 1535 Jacques Cartier explored the St. Lawrence (which he named), and advanced as far as an Indian town that he christened Mont Royal (since corrupted into Montreal); and afterwards there came other French expeditions, whose attempts to found settlements were frustrated by Indian hostility. At the opening of the seventeenth century, however, Samuel de Champlain established in Acadia (now Nova Scotia) the first European colony that took root within the boundaries of the present Dominion; and in 1608 he visited the St. Lawrence and founded the City of Quebec. Thus was brought into being “New France”—a large territory which included eastern Canada of to-day and stretched south across the existing international boundary line. There was also a rival colony, known as “New England,” which extended north from Virginia.

The struggle between Great Britain and France continued, with intervals of peace and with an ebb and flow of fortunes, for a century and a half; and in the history of this period the most inspiring chapter is that which tells of the unflinching zeal and dauntless courage of Roman Catholic priests who, penetrating to the interior of the country, sought to carry Christianity and civilisation to the Indians.

By the Treaty of Utrecht (1713) the possession of Hudson Bay (the history of which I shall glance at later), Acadia and Newfoundland was definitely vested with Great Britain, France retaining authority over a vast stretch of territory. Thirty years afterwards the war of the Austrian Succession justified a resumption of hostilities, which were interrupted by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. A few years later the two Powers reached the final stage of their long contest for mastery in North America; and, following Wolfe’s victory at Quebec in 1759, French rule in Canada came to an end.

But the French people remained, and their descendants remain, in Canada; and their presence there—those two million fine, happy, prosperous French-Canadians, who combine loyalty to the British Empire with a love for France—supplies, I think, the noblest object-lesson in international fraternity anywhere to be found on the earth. It is an object-lesson that grows in distinctness as our eyes open to new possibilities of unarmed amity; for at last we are slowly awakening to the knowledge that brotherhood is a higher interest of the human race, and may even call for a loftier type of bravery than bloodshed.

There was, of course, some little initial unrest in the Franco-English colony, but this was largely allayed when, in 1774, the British Parliament passed the Quebec Act, which restored the French civil code and defined Canada as extending from Labrador to the Mississippi, and from the watershed of Hudson Bay to the Ohio—in other words, as including the present Provinces of Quebec and Ontario, and a number of States over which the Stars and Stripes now float. Then came the War of Independence, which turned our brothers into our cousins, and caused the Great Lakes to be Canada’s southern boundary, instead of her waist-belt.

The English population of Canada—far smaller than the French population—was now increased by the arrival from the south of 25,000 persons who, loyal to the old tie with Great Britain, refused their allegiance to the newly-created United States. French and English were soon united in a desire to enjoy such constitutional privileges as had already been granted to the Maritime Provinces; but while the majority were anxious that their own national traditions should be followed, the minority wished for institutions modelled on English lines. The British Government solved the problem by splitting Canada into two—an Upper Canada for the English, and a Lower Canada for the French—and giving to each a Legislature of its own, though a Legislature in which the people’s representatives were under the thumb of Crown nominees.

The war between the United States and Great Britain, in 1812-14, exposed the two Canadas and the Maritime Provinces to a severe ordeal, through which they came triumphant; and afterwards our French and English fellow-subjects resumed their agitation for a full measure of popular government. They went ultimately to the length of rebellion; and then it was not long before the Home Government granted their desire. Friction had occurred between the two Canadas on questions of revenue, and so, by the Act of 1840 that conceded a democratic constitution, these two Canadas, after half a century of separation, were again made into one Canada under one Legislature; the two halves of a political whole being now distinguished as Canada East and Canada West. Happily, however, a clash of interests arose between the French population and the English—happily, I say, because it led to the union, in 1867, of Canada West and Canada East (thence-forward to be known as the Provinces of Ontario and Quebec) with Nova Scotia and New Brunswick; and this was the first stage of Confederation, a process whereby the name “Canada” was transferred to the great country, stretching from ocean to ocean, which bids fair to develop wealth and population like the United States of America, and to become the foremost nation of the British Empire.

I have only told, in broad outline, the story of Eastern Canada—that part of the Dominion which holds the accumulated interest of stirring vicissitudes experienced over a period of four hundred years. We will now turn to the only other part of the Dominion that has a history stretching back to the Middle Ages. I refer to the Hudson Bay region.

Man is a toy in the hands of Time. Things he does in one century are apt, in the light of another, to assume the character of a droll misuse of opportunity. The early history of the Hudson’s Bay Company tells, in effect, of men who worked in a rich gold mine and collected nothing but quartz.

In 1610 Henry Hudson—that glorious, pathetic hero—discovered the great northern indentation in the map of Canada; and it was re-discovered overland, about sixty years later, by two dashing adventurers from “New France”—Medard de Groseillers and Pierre Radisson, who returned from Hudson Bay with rich booty, of which they were despoiled by the authorities at Quebec. The two indignant Frenchmen went with the story of their wrongs to France, where they were treated with laughing contempt. Then they crossed to England and told our King all about it. Charles II. (who was staying at Oxford, to avoid the plague of London) pricked up his ears, and—some of his followers being minded to invest their money in a promising business speculation—a Royal Charter was granted to “Gentlemen Adventurers trading to Hudson’s Bay.” His Majesty did the thing handsomely while he was about it; for the Charter gave the Adventurers all the country and all it contained for all time.

What was the booty Radisson and Groseillers (whom, by the way, Charles II. insisted upon calling “Mr. Gooseberry”) had brought from Hudson Bay? It took the form of 600,000 beaver skins. Resident in that part of the world are many four-footed creatures which, because the weather is apt to be cold, are provided by nature with warm, hairy coats; and the fur that is a necessary for them is a luxury for man—and especially for woman. Accordingly, the Adventurers sent their ships to Hudson Bay for pelts they could turn into pelf. The actual trapping and skinning was done by the Indians, from whom the Adventurers’ agents secured the valuable furs in exchange for tobacco, shot, brandy, and other commodities of civilisation. Sometimes, not content with killing the beaver, the mink, and the silver fox, the Indians killed the Adventurers’ agents, and vice versa; but in a general way the natives and the visitors traded on a footing of mutual toleration—business being done on these lines: six beavers for one blanket, half a pound of beads for one beaver, twelve buttons or twenty fish-hooks for ditto, and twelve beavers for one gun. The Hudson’s Bay men built themselves forts, and their commercial transactions with the red man were always conducted through a small wicket in the palisades.

Nor were picturesque touches lacking at the London end. Prince Rupert was the governor, and for colleagues he had a committee who, by way of tempering the austerity of the company’s affairs, permitted occasional latitude to a festive spirit. Lord Preston having rendered the company a service, the warehouse keeper was instructed to deliver “as many black beaver skins as will make my lord a fine covering for his bedd”; and, in gratitude for favours from a more exalted quarter, “two pairs of beaver stockings are ordered for the King and the Duke of York.” The Adventurers were equally alive to domestic claims on their goodwill, as may be inferred from orders “to bespeak a cask of canary for ye governor,” and “a hogshead of claret for ye captains sailing from Gravesend.”