Читать книгу The 13th District - Brand Whitlock - Страница 14

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A MAN whose figure had taken on the full contour of a prosperous maturity sat at his desk, reflectively drawing little geometrical designs on a pad of paper. The abundance of his prosperousness was indicated in every appointment of his law offices no less than in his own person, for they reflected the modern metropolitan style of Chicago rather than the fashion of an older day in central Illinois, where a bare floor, a flat table, and a rough set of bookshelves bearing up Blackstone and Kent, Chitty and Starkie, and the Illinois digests and reports, were considered sufficient furnishing. His silvery hair was cropped close with a half bang over his clear forehead, and his gray beard was as carefully trimmed as his hair; in the lapel of the gray coat that set his shoulders off stoutly, was a red carnation. He wore a fresh carnation every day; where he got them was ever a mystery to the people of Clinton.

Judge Bromley had resigned from the bench of the Circuit Court to become the general attorney of a railroad than ran up out of Egypt to tap the central portion of Illinois, and he was the local attorney for a number of other roads. His railroads would have been pleased to have him in Congress, no doubt, though they would have preferred to have him on the bench of the United States Court. And it was with this prospect in veiled view that he had consented to run for Congress in a district where the normal majority was greatly against him, knowing that his sacrifices would commend him to the administration at Washington in case the national ticket of his party was successful.

Another man sat with Bromley in his private office that October morning. He sat tentatively, if not timidly, on the edge of his chair, for the conversation had not reached such a stage of confidential warmth on the lawyer’s part as warranted the man in lounging at more familiar ease in its leather depths.

The man was McFarlane, and he was the chairman of the congressional committee of the party that had nominated Bromley to stand in the Thirteenth against Garwood.

“I have already sent my checks to the chairman of each county committee in payment of my assessments, Mr. McFarlane,” the lawyer said at length.

“Sure, I know that, Judge,” said McFarlane, “but things is changed now—I tell you you’ve got more’n a fightin’ chance to win out.”

“You think this story of Mr. Garwood’s irregularities—his alleged irregularities,” he corrected himself with a lawyer’s absurd habit of care in his words, “will seriously impair his prospects, then?”

“W’y, sure, why wouldn’t it?” McFarlane urged. “We can make it.”

“Ah, make it,” observed Bromley. “But how, if you will oblige me? You must pardon my lack of knowledge of the—ah—technique of politics, Mr. McFarlane.”

“Oh, that’s all right, Judge,” McFarlane hastened to say, with a reassuring generosity of soul. “How’ll we make it? Why, use it—that’s how; we’ll make Jerry defend his record in the House. We’ll get the people to see it—that’s how.”

“But will the people believe it? They are slow, you know, to believe these stories of boodling, as I believe it is called. The newspapers have a good deal to say of it from time to time, but I doubt if the people take it much more seriously than the rest of the current and conventional jokes of the press. Do you think they’ll believe it? That question occurs to me as material at this point of our——”

“Believe it! Do you think these farmers around here’d refuse to believe anything when you tell ’em the corporations is behind it? Don’t you think they won’t believe it!”

“You have no doubt, then, of its authenticity?”

“Oh, course, I don’t say as to that. Jerry’s a good fellow, all right enough. I ain’t sayin’, between ourselves, what he done at Springfield—it’s none o’ my business, you know.”

“I presume not.”

“You ought to know as much about it as me, anyway, Judge. You’re a corp’ration lawyer—you’ve been to Springfield yourself, I reckon.”

The lawyer winced, and the natural ruddiness of his healthy skin showed under his white beard a deeper hue.

“I have only been there to appear in the Supreme or the Appellate Court, Mr. McFarlane; I have no concern with any legislative lobbying my clients may do, if they do any.”

“Oh, sure—’scuse me, Judge—that’s done by the Chicago lawyers, of course; I didn’t stop to think.” McFarlane had almost settled himself in his chair, but at this contretemps he leaned forward again, and then, wishing to give the action the effect of interest rather than of embarrassment, he hastened on:

“But that ain’t all, by a long shot. You know Sprague—Con Sprague?”

“The present incumbent? Of course.”

“Well, you know, Jerry beat him for renomination, or Jim Rankin did it fer ’im. Garwood had promised Sprague to hold the Polk County delegation fer ’im, he says, and, well, Rankin turned a trick at the Clinton convention that euchred Sprague out of the nomination. Course, Jim turned round and tried to square it by throwin’ the legislative nomination to Sprague’s brother-in-law, Hank Wilson; but still, Sprague’s sore.”

“He is?”

“You bet he is. He hasn’t lifted a finger in the whole campaign, an’ I heerd last night from Al Granger, who’s over from Sullivan, that his fellows over there are openly knifing Garwood, and that gives us a chance to carry Moultrie. Well,” McFarlane paused to swallow, “we can carry DeWitt here—it’s your home county—and the majority against us is less than a hundred; we have a good chance in Piatt, an’ they’re shaky about Logan, particularly down in Millwood to’nship. Garwood had a meetin’ there the other day which was a frost—a change of a hundred an’ fifty votes, an’ you’ve got ’em. Why, I tell you, man, it’s the chance of your life. You can win out.”

McFarlane spoke with the enthusiasm of that confidence into which a politician can work himself when he begins to juggle the handy figures of old election returns, and some of his warmth was communicated to the candidate, who felt his blood tingle, and his heart rise in anticipation. He had never allowed himself to think of the possibility of his election, until that moment; but that moment was the fatal one that comes to every candidate, at a certain stage in his campaign, when he begins to indulge in dreams of victory. And yet Bromley was a wary man and he shrank again, in his habit of judicial deliberation.

“You speak encouragingly, Mr. McFarlane,” he said, “but I do not quite share your confidence. I am not the man to indulge in illusions. You realize, of course, that I took the nomination at some sacrifice, merely for the sake of the party. I had no thought of being elected with the district organized as it is under the present apportionment act.”

“Yes, I know, they carved the district out for Sprague in their last gerrymander, an’ then Sprague got thrown down fer the nomination—that’s why he’s so sore.”

“What plan do you propose?”

“Well,” said McFarlane, “just what I told you. We ought to poll every county in the district, make a separate an’ distinct poll fer ourselves, independent of the county committees, and then—get out the vote. It’ll take money, of course.”

Judge Bromley was tapping his pencil lightly on the desk.

“Do you think I should make a personal canvass of the district?”

McFarlane hesitated.

“Well,” he said, “that might be a good thing a little later.” He looked at the judge’s clothes, made by a Chicago tailor, as he supposed, though they were made by a New York tailor, at his red carnation, at his rimless pince-nez, and thought of his campaigning in the rural districts.

“But my idee fer the present ’uld be a still hunt. We can work up to the brass band and the red fire gradually, and wind up in a blaze o’ glory, after we get ’em on the run. See?”

“How much will all this cost?”

“Oh, well, now, that’s a question. Course, the boys ain’t in politics fer the’r health, an’ the more money we have the more——”

Bromley, at this bald suggestion of a raid on his pocket-book, flushed, this time angrily. He dropped his pencil and tightened his fist, laying the thick of it heavily on the edge of his desk. Then he wheeled around, and said, his eyes contracting behind his rimless aristocratic glasses:

“Look here, McFarlane, this must be a plain business proposition. I have no barrel, as you call it,“—though McFarlane had said nothing about a barrel—“and I’ve already given all I can afford to the campaign. I would be willing, perhaps, as a further sacrifice to the party and my principles, to increase my contribution, but I’d want to know just what was done with it; I’d want every bill audited by a responsible committee; I’d want it all used properly and effectively; in other words, I’d expect results—do you understand?”

“Oh, course, Judge, just as you say. It’s your campaign, you know. I’m only showin’ you where you can win out, that’s all. If you don’t care nothin’ about goin’ to Congress—why, all right. It needn’t cost much.”

“But how much, that’s the question?” demanded Bromley.

“Oh, well, three or four thousand, perhaps; maybe five. Hell! I can’t tell exactly. It’s no cinch, the amount ain’t. A couple o’ thousand ’uld do fer a starter, till we could tell how she developed.”

Bromley received McFarlane’s estimate in silence, and looked somewhere out of his window for support. McFarlane sat and eyed him keenly.

“Has Garwood any means?” the lawyer asked presently, and then immediately answered his own question by observing: “I suppose not, though; his practice, as I suppose he calls it, is confined to the personal injury business.” The judge said this with a corporation lawyer’s contempt for one who has no money and whose practice is confined to the speculative side of personal injury cases.

“No, Jerry’s poor,” said McFarlane. “But I hear it rumored that old Ethan Harkness’s puttin’ up some fer ’im.”

“Ethan Harkness? The banker over at Grand Prairie?”

“Yep.”

“Why should he provide means for Garwood’s campaign?”

“Oh, don’t ask me—that’s what the boys says. Seems to me, though, I heerd somethin’ about Jerry’s goin’ to marry his daughter.”

“H-m-m-m!” the judge said, and then he was silent for a while.

“Somebody would have to put up fer ’im,” McFarlane continued. “I hear he hain’t paid none o’ his campaign assessments yet, an’ that hain’t helpin’ him none. That’ll be another thing in your favor, too, Judge—unless old Harkness does hear an’ heed the Mac’donian cry.”

“I hardly can imagine Ethan Harkness giving away money for any purpose, much less a purpose of that sort,” said the judge, with the first twinkle in his eye that had sparkled behind his lenses since McFarlane had mentioned money. “And I don’t place much credence in that story about Garwood’s wedding Miss Harkness. The Harknesses are really a very good family, as I remember to have heard Mrs. Bromley say.”

McFarlane did not care to venture on the unsafe ground of society, and so was silent. The judge, too, was silent. He was pondering.

“Well, Mr. McFarlane,” he said at length, “I’ll consider your suggestion carefully, and you may call to-morrow morning, if you will be so good, when I shall have a conclusion ready for you.”

The judge looked at McFarlane with the glance that terminates the interviews of a busy man, especially a man busy in corporation interests, where the personal equation may be largely ignored, and waited for McFarlane to leave.

McFarlane went down the stairs, chuckling.

“He took the bit all right,” he said to the man who was waiting for him. “Let’s go have a nice little drink.”