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A section of Table-Case K contains a series of inscriptions which illustrate various sides of Greek and Roman political life.

It must be borne in mind that the Greek state was generally of very small dimensions. As a rule all life was centred within a city, which had but a moderate extent of outlying country. Aristotle describes the perfect city or state (the words are interchangeable) as the union of several villages, supplying all that is necessary for independent life.¹ Greece, though small in area, was thus divided up into a large number of states, whose interests were constantly in conflict. It thus came about that it was provided with systems of treaties, arbitrations, and consular representation such as marked a fully developed international system.

Treaties.—The bronze tablet No. 1 dates probably from the second half of the sixth century B.C., at a time when the Eleians and Heraeans of Arcadia were still dwelling in villages, and were not yet united each into a single city. It is written in the Aeolic dialect of Elis, and records a treaty between the two peoples named. There was to be a close alliance between them in respect of all matters of common interest, whether of peace or war. Any breach of the treaty, or any damage to the inscription recording the treaty, would involve a fine of a talent of silver to be paid by the offender to Olympian Zeus, the supreme Greek deity. The tablet was brought from Olympia by Sir William Gell in 1813.

No. 2 is a cast of a similar treaty between the communities of the Anaiti and Matapii, for a fifty years' friendship. In case of a breach of the treaty the priests at Olympia have arbitrators' powers.

Fig. 1.—Treaty of Chaleion and Oeantheia. (No. 3.)

No. 3 (fig. 1) is a bronze tablet, with a ring at one end for suspension, recording a treaty made between the cities of Chaleion and Oeantheia on the Gulf of Corinth. It is in the Lokrian dialect, and can be dated to about 440 B.C. The main object of the treaty was to regulate the practice of reprisals between the citizens of the respective towns, and, in particular, to prevent injury to foreign merchants visiting either port. There are also provisions for ensuring a fair trial to aliens. The tablet was found at Oeantheia (Galaxidi), and was formerly in the Woodhouse collection.

Colonization.—This was a feature of peculiar importance in Greek life. In the course of the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. numerous colonists had left their homes on the mainland of Greece or on the coast of Asia Minor, and had settled principally in Southern Italy and Sicily, or round the shores of the Black Sea. The reasons for such emigration were sometimes political, but more often commercial. Between the mother-city and the colony relations of an intimate character were almost invariably maintained. Representatives from either city attended the more important festivals held in the other town, and the daughter-city not infrequently sought the advice of the mother-city in times of difficulty and danger. The inscription on the bronze tablet No. 4 illustrates the way in which colonists left one Greek state to settle in another comparatively near at hand, and also shows the relations existing between the colonists and the mother-state. At a date probably previous to 455 B.C. colonists from the Opuntian or Eastern Lokrians (inhabiting a district lying opposite to the island of Euboea) left their homes to settle in Naupaktos, a town situated on the narrowest part of the Gulf of Corinth, in the territory of the Western Lokrians. The question arose as to how far the colonists were to remain in connection with the mother-country. The tablet shows that the settlers had the privilege of enjoying full social and religious rights on revisiting their native city, although during their absence they were exempt from paying taxes to it. Under certain conditions they might resume their residence in the mother-state without fee, and they also had a right to inherit property left by a near relative in that state. Other provisions deal with judicial arrangements affecting the new settlers.

Proxenia.—Just as modern states appoint consuls in foreign countries in order that the interests of their citizens abroad may be protected, so the various Greek cities appointed their representatives in different foreign states. These representatives were chosen from the citizens of the town in which they acted, and their appointment was regarded as a special honour, carrying with it substantial privileges. The main functions of the proxeni were those of dispensing hospitality to travellers and assisting them in cases of difficulty, and of receiving ambassadors arriving from the state which they represented. They were also expected generally to further that state's commercial interests.

Fig. 2.—Grant of proxenia to Dionysios (No. 5). Ht. 12⅞ in.

Two bronze tablets recording decrees of proxenia, passed by the people of Corcyra, are here exhibited. No. 5 (fig. 2), probably of the end of the fourth century B.C., records the grant of proxenia to Dionysios, son of Phrynichos, an Athenian.² It mentions the date, the appointment, and the right of possessing land and house property in Corcyra, the last evidently a reward granted to the proxenos for his services. No. 6 (fig. 3), of about 200 B.C., is a grant of proxenia to Pausanias, son of Attalos, a citizen of Ambrakia.³ He is accorded the usual honours, and the Treasurer is directed to provide the money for the engraving of the decree on bronze. Both these tablets were found in Corfu, the modern name of the ancient Corcyra. The persons appointed acted, of course, in Athens and Ambrakia respectively.

Fig. 3.—Grant of proxenia to Pausanias (No. 6). Ht. 8⅞ in.

Law-courts at Athens.—One of the most striking features of democratic Athens was its elaborate machinery for the administration of justice. The system of popular control began in the fifth century B.C., and reached its full development in the fourth. For petty offences the various magistrates had the power of inflicting a small fine, but graver charges were usually decided by a jury court. Those who composed these jury courts were called dikastae. They were chosen at first up to the number of six thousand from the entire body of citizens over thirty years of age, but later on apparently any citizen over thirty years of age was a qualified juryman. From the time of Perikles each juryman received three obols (about 5d.) a day for his services. The whole body of jurymen was divided into ten sections, each of which was distinguished by one of the first ten letters of the Greek alphabet (A to K). Each dikast received a ticket (πινάκιον), at first of bronze, but in Aristotle's day of boxwood, inscribed with his name, his parish, and the number of his section. In Aristotle's day the father's name was always given as well.⁴ Four of these dikasts' tickets (in bronze) are exhibited in this case, together with a fragment of a fifth. Upwards of eighty are known, all apparently belonging to the fourth century B.C. The tickets shown are:

Fig. 4.—Ticket of Thukydides (No. 10). L. 4¼ in.

No. 7, which belonged to Deinias of Halae, of the third section (Γ). The ticket is stamped with the Athenian symbol of an owl within an olive wreath, two owls with one head, and a Gorgoneion.

No. 8, belonging to Archilochos of Phaleron, of the fifth section (Ε).

No. 9, belonging to Aristophon, son of Aristodemos, of Kothokidae. His was the third section (Γ).

No. 10, the ticket of Thukydides of Upper Lamptrae (fig. 4). He belonged to the sixth section (). The ticket bears the symbols of an owl within an olive wreath, and a Gorgoneion.

The lowest fragment is part of a ticket belonging to Philochares of Acharnae of the fifth section.

Fig. 5.—Inscribed Potsherds (Ostraka) at Athens (No. 11).

Fig. 6.—Potsherd of Teos (No. 12).

Ostracism.—This was a peculiar device adopted by Greek city-states for getting temporary relief from the influence of prominent citizens, whose presence was for the time being considered undesirable. At Athens ostracism was introduced by the statesman Kleisthenes about 508 B.C. The method of effecting it was as follows. The popular assembly (Ekklesia) first decided whether they desired that ostracism should be carried out. If they considered it expedient, they met and recorded their vote. The name of the person they most wished to get rid of was written on a potsherd (ostrakon), and if six thousand votes were recorded against any one name, that man had to go into banishment for ten years. In Case K is a coloured illustration (No. 11) of three ostraka found at Athens (fig. 5). The names written on the sherds are well known in Greek history. Themistokles (fig. 5a), of the deme Phrearri, was the creator of Athenian sea-power. In consequence of this ostracism (ca. 471 B.C.) he died an exile at Magnesia on the Maeander. Megakles (fig. 5b) of the deme Alopeke, son of Hippokrates and uncle of Perikles, was ostracised in 487 B.C. as "a friend of the tyrants." In the next year, 486 B.C., was banished Xanthippos (fig. 5c), son of Arriphron and father of Perikles, on the ground of undue prominence. The Museum collection contains no ostraka of historic importance, but the potsherd inscribed by one Teos (No. 12) gives an idea of the actual object (fig. 6).

Dedications for Victory.—The dedication in a temple of a part of the spoils of victory was not merely a religious observance. It was also the formal entering of a claim to victory. The Etruscan helmet (No. 13) dedicated at Olympia by Hieron of Syracuse, is an example (fig. 7). It was found at Olympia in 1817, and was presented to the Museum by King George the Fourth. On the side is a votive inscription:

Fig. 7.—Etruscan Helmet Dedicated at Olympia by Hieron and the Syracusans (No. 13). 1:4.

Ἱάρων ὁ Δεινομένεος καὶ τοὶ Συρακόσιοι τῷ Δὶ Τύραν' ἀπὸ Κύμας—"Hieron son of Deinomenes and the Syracusans offer to Zeus Etruscan spoils from Kyme." Hieron was tyrant of Syracuse from 478 to 467 B.C., in succession to his brother Gelon, and was one of the most prominent figures of the age. Gelon had nobly upheld the supremacy of the Greeks in the west by destroying a Carthaginian host at Himera, in the same year and, as the tale went, on the same day as the battle of Salamis. Hieron added to the brilliance of the Sicilian court, and signalised his naval power in the great repulse of the Etruscans. The ancient city of Kyme, near Naples, the earliest Greek colony in the west, was hard pressed by the neighbouring barbarians and by the civilised and powerful state of Etruria. The Greeks appealed for help to Hieron, and he sent them a fleet of warships, which beat the Etruscans in sight of the citadel of Kyme, and broke their sea-power for ever (474 B.C.). From the arms and treasure taken in the battle Hieron made the customary offering in the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, and this helmet with its eloquent inscription was part of the dedicated spoil.

For other votive helmets see below, p. 76.

The votive spear-head, No. 14, dedicated by an unknown Theodoros to (Zeus) Basileus, about 500 B.C., was probably found at Olympia. The occasion of the dedication is unknown, but it nearly resembles No. 15 (cast), which was dedicated at Olympia by the Methanians as spoil from the Lacedaemonians.⁵ The original is at Berlin. Several spear-heads of this type have been found. They do not seem to be effective for use in battle, and they are therefore supposed to have been specially made for dedicatory purposes. It has also been suggested that they are spear-butts, but this does not seem probable.

Θεόδωρος ἀνέθηκε Βασιλεῖ.

Fig. 8.—Spear-head Dedicated by Theodoros to (Zeus) Basileus. (No. 14). 1:3.

Emblem of Office.—The bronze caduceus (No. 17), (familiar as the emblem of the herald Mercury), is inscribed "I belong to the people of Longene," and was apparently the staff of the public herald of that town. It was found in a tomb in Sicily, and is of the fifth century B.C. The device is in the form of a staff, surmounted by a pair of intertwined serpents.

Roman military Life.—This is illustrated by two of the Latin inscriptions here shown. The oblong bronze tablet No. 18 (figs. 9a and 9b) is part of a Roman diploma, a document recording privileges in respect of citizenship and rights of marriage granted to a veteran soldier. The diploma derived its name from the fact that it was composed of two tablets hinged together. We have in the present instance only the left side of one of the tablets. The right side, which had two holes for the metal rings attaching it to the other tablet, has been broken away. The inscription⁶ is a copy of one originally engraved on bronze and set up on the wall behind the temple of Augustus ad Minervam at Rome. It is headed with the names of M. Julius Philippus, the Emperor, and of his son, who had the title of Caesar. This is followed by the grant of full matrimonial rights to the soldiers of ten cohorts and by the date, equivalent to Jan. 7th, 246 A.D. Next comes the name of the individual soldier to whom this copy of the original inscription was given, one Neb. Tullius, a veteran of the fifth praetorian cohort of Philip at Aelia Mursa in Pannonia. The grant of full matrimonial privileges was a considerable one, for it meant that the veteran's wife and children gained the privileges of Roman citizens, if, as was often the case, the wife was not possessed of citizen rights at the time of marriage. The two holes in the middle of the tablet were used for the wire thread, which was passed round the tablets three times according to the usual official custom, and had the seals of seven witnesses affixed to it. Fig. 9b is a restoration showing the original form of the document opened, the exterior of the two tablets being seen. This diploma was found in Piedmont. Parts of similar documents will be seen exhibited in the Room of Roman Britain.

Fig. 9a.—Fragment of a Bronze diploma (No. 18). Ht. 5½ in.

Fig. 9b.—The above diploma RESTORED.

Near the diploma is a small bronze ticket (No. 19), inscribed on either side. One side bears the name of Ti(berius) Claudius Priscus, the other records that he belonged to the fourth praetorian cohort and the centuria Paterni.

Corn Largesses.—From the end of the second century B.C. it had become a regular feature of Roman policy to supply the populace of the city with corn either gratis or at an artificially cheap rate. After the fall of the Republic the Emperors carried still further the policy of free distributions (congiaria or liberalitates). It has been reckoned that the annual cost of their largesses averaged £90,000 from Julius Caesar to Claudius, and £300,000 from Nero to Septimius Severus. Persius, who wrote in the time of Nero, notes with a sneer that it was one of the privileges of the meanest Roman citizen to exchange his ticket for a portion of musty flour. This policy of the Emperors is illustrated by the inscribed corn-ticket (tessera frumentaria) shown in this Case (No. 20; fig. 10). It is inscribed on one side, Ant(onini) Aug(usti) Lib(eralitas) II., i.e., the second special largess of Antoninus, perhaps Antoninus Pius, who reigned from 138–161 A.D. On the other side appears fru(mentatio) LXI., i.e. the sixty-first monthly corn distribution, dating doubtless from the accession of Antoninus. The letters were originally inlaid with silver, as is shown by the remains of that metal in the numerals. The sepulchral inscription mentioned on p. 224 should be studied in connection with this corn-ticket.

Fig. 10.—Bronze Corn-Ticket (No. 20). 1:1.

Official Emblem.—The relief in Case 99 shows the Fasces (that is, the axes and the rods tied in a bundle) which were carried by the lictors before the higher Roman magistrates.

Slavery.—The circular bronze badge (No. 21) shows the Roman method of dealing with runaway slaves after the softening influence of Christianity had begun to make itself felt. In earlier times the runaway slave had been punished with the cruel penalty of branding. Apparently from the time of Constantine onwards an inscribed badge was substituted, authorising the summary arrest of the slave if he were caught out of bounds. The inscription on the badge exhibited runs: "Hold me, lest I escape, and take me back to my master Viventius on the estate of Callistus."

Two other objects may perhaps be brought into connection with slavery. The scourge (No. 22), with its lash loaded with bronze beads, was frequently used for the punishment of slaves. It is the horribile flagellum of Horace. A scourge very similar to the present is seen on a relief in the Capitoline Museum at Rome, representing a high-priest of Kybele, whose devotees were in the habit of scourging themselves in the service of the goddess.⁷ The pair of iron fetters (No. 23), found in 1813 in a cave behind the Pnyx at Athens, bear a close resemblance to those worn by a bestiarius or beast-fighter represented on a relief from Ephesus exhibited in Case 110, (Cat. of Sculpt., II., No. 1286).

Fig. 11.—Slave Badge (No. 21). 3:5.

Two small bronzes (No. 24) show dwarf slaves undergoing the punishment of the cangue, in which neck and wrists are fixed in a board.

(1) Cat. of Bronzes, 264; Hicks and Hill, Greek Hist. Inscr., No. 9; (2) Roberts, Gr. Epigraphy, No. 297; (3) Cat. of Bronzes, 263; B.M. Inscr., 953; (4) Cat. of Bronzes, 262; B.M. Inscr., 954; (5) Cat. of Bronzes, 333; (6) ibid., 334; (7) to (10) ibid., 329–332; Hicks and Hill, 151; I.G., II., 886, 901, 885, 908b; (11) Jahrbuch d. Arch. Inst., II., p. 161; (12) B.S. Athens Ann., V. pl. 5, fig. 112; (13) B.M. Inscr., 1155; Cat. of Bronzes, 250; (14) B.M. Inscr., 948A; Journ. of Hellen. Stud., II., p. 77; (15) Roberts, Gr. Epigraphy, No. 286; (17) Cat. of Bronzes, 319; I.G. XIV., 594; cf. Hermes, III., p. 298 ff.; (18) Eph. Epigraph., IV., p. 185; C.I.L., III., Suppl. i., p. 2000. On the diplomata generally, see Smith, Dict. of Ant., and Daremberg and Saglio, Dict. of Ant., s.v.; (19) Cat. of Bronzes, 901; C.I.L., XV., 7166; Hübner, Exempla, No. 915; (20) Cat. of Bronzes, 3016; C.I.L., XV., 7201; Klio, Beiheft III., p. 21; Philologus, XXIX., p. 17; (21) Cat. of Bronzes, 902; C.I.L., XV., 7193.

1: Pol. i. 1, 8.

2:

Πρύτανις Στράτων. | μεὶς Ψυδρεύς, ἀμέρα τε | τάρτα ἐπὶ δέκα; προστάτας |

Γνάθιος Σωκράτευς; | πρόξενον ποεῖ ἀ ἀλία | Διονύσιον Φρυνίχου | Ἀθηναῖον

αὐτὸν καὶ | ἐκγόνους. δίδωτι δὲ καὶ | γᾶς καὶ οἰκίας ἔμπασιν. | τὰν δὲ προξενίαν

γράψαν | τας εἰς χαλκὸν ἀνθέμεν | εἴ κα προβούλοις καὶ προδίκοις δοκῆι καλῶς

ἔχειν.

Διονύσιον | Φρυνίχου | Ἀθηναῖον.

3:

Ἔδοξε τᾷ ἁλίᾳ, πρόξε|νον εἶμεν Παυσανίαν Ἀτ|τάλου Ἀμβρακιώταν | τᾶς

πόλιος τῶν Κορκυραί|ων αὐτὸν καὶ ἐγγόνους; | εἶμεν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ | ἄλλα

τίμια, ὄσα καὶ[τοῖς] | ἄλλοις προξένοις [καὶ] | εὐεργέταις γέγ(ρα)|πται. | τὰν δὲ

προξενί|αν προβούλους καὶ προ|δίκους γράψαντας εἰς | χάλκωμα ἀναθέμεν, |

τὸν δὲ ταμίαν δόμεν | τὸ γενόμενον ἀνάλω|μα.

Παυσανίαν Ἀττάλου | Ἀμβρακιώταν.

4:

Ἀθ. Πολ. 63. ἔχει δ' ἕκαστος δικαστὴς πινάκιον πύξινον, ἐπιγεγραμμένον τὸ ὄνομα

τὸ ἑαυτοῦ πατρόθεν καὶ τοῦ δήμου καὶ γράμμα ἓν τῶν στοιχείων μέχρι τοῦ κ.

5: Μεθάνιοι ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων.

6:

Imp. Cae(sar) M. Iulius Phili[ppus Pius]

Fel(ix) Aug(ustus), pont(ifex) max(imus), trib(unicia) p[ot(estate) III, cos., p.p. et]

M. Iulius Philippus nobil[issim(us) Caes(ar)]

nomina militum, qui milit[averunt in]

cohortibus pretoris Phil[ippianis de-]

cem I. II. III. IIII. V. VI. VII. VIII. VII[II. X. piis vin-]

dicibus, qui pii et fortiter [militia fun-]

cti sunt, ius tribuimus con[ubii dumta-]

xat cum singulis et primi[s uxoribus],

ut etiam si peregrini iur[is feminas]

in matrimon(io) suo iunxe[rint, proinde

liberos toll(ant), acxi (for ac si) ex duob(us) c[ivibus Ro-] manis natos. a. d. VII. [idus Ian.] C. Bruttio Presente et C. Al(b)[- - - - - cos.] Coh(ors) V pr(aetoria) Philip[pian(a) p(ia) v(index).] Neb. Tullio Neb. f. M(a) - - - - - - - - Ael(ia) Murs[a]. Descript(um) et recognit(um) ex ta[bula aerea], que fix(a) est Romae in muro [pos(t) templum] divi Aug(usti) ad Mine[rvam].

7: Baumeister, Denkmäler, II., p. 801, fig. 867.