Читать книгу Life of Sir Henry Parkes - Charles E. Lyne - Страница 24

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On the 6th May, 1858, Mr. Cowper introduced in the Legislative Assembly his Electoral Law Amendment Bill, which contained among its chief provisions the principles of representation on the basis of population, manhood suffrage, and vote by ballot.

The bill was strongly opposed by the old conservative party, in whose eyes it threatened to bring about something like anarchy and ruin; and the fact that this settlement of the land question, on the basis of the principles advocated by Mr. Robertson, was to be the chief measure to come before the reformed Parliament increased the bitterness felt by the squatters. Mr. Donaldson opposed the Electoral Bill as a revolution and not a reform, a measure utterly ruinous to property. So offensive did it appear to him that he declared, if it passed, he would immediately pack up his things and leave the country. To Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Hay it was a bill likely to lead to great mischief. It left the good old English path, he said, and was an indication that the government of the country was on a downward course towards democracy and the tyranny of an unthinking majority. Yet in reality the colony was simply passing from a system of restriction and stagnation to a condition of freedom and progress.

Mr. Parkes regarded the measure as in spirit a thoroughly English one. The democratic power proposed to be given by the bill was not, he argued, so great as that which at the time existed in the House of Commons, and if the inclination towards popular rule was so great in England, how much greater ought it to be in New South Wales, where the very nature of society and the genius of our institutions were essentially democratic. In his opinion danger could only arise from placing too great a restraint upon the democratic tendencies of the country.

The second reading of the measure was carried by 36 votes to 14, and not long afterwards the great principles of the bill were brought into operation.

Looking back over the period that has since passed, it is interesting to note that the increased power given to the people has, on the whole, been accompanied by the progress of the country. The fears respecting manhood suffrage still exist. There are many persons in the colony who regard this privilege with disapproval. But in a country where class distinctions now exist more in name than in reality, where men are more equal than in any other part of the globe, it would not be possible to have any other voting qualification. From the time of the introduction of self-government under the Constitution of 1856 the colony has been marching towards an absolute democracy, and, with the rule of the people, the inseparable evils of the popular system of government have had to be, and must still be, borne. The wonder is that in such a free and vigorous community these evils have not been much greater than they are. Undesirable persons appear as candidates at elections for Parliament, and sometimes are elected; the educated and wealthy men of the country, as a rule, hold themselves aloof from politics; and the waste of time in the performance of Parliamentary work is sometimes lamentable. But in spite of this the country has been constantly moving ahead. Population has greatly increased; trade has largely extended; industries have grown; wealth has accumulated enormously. Mr Donaldson's alarm has not been realised; and the "good old English path", so admirable in the eyes of Mr. Hay, instead of being widely divergent from the broader Australian road, has itself gradually changed in accordance with the Australian example until it has become virtually identical.

While Mr. Cowper, as head of the Government, was pushing forward the work of reforming the Legislative Assembly, Mr. Parkes did something towards altering the nature of the Legislative Council from that of a nominee, to that of an elective, chamber. Mr. Robertson had already moved in this direction, and at his instance the Assembly, in 1857, had passed a resolution affirming "that all deliberative bodies entrusted with legislative functions ought to be elected by the people in their primary assemblies." Furthermore, the resolution had been recognised by two Governments as referring to the Legislative Council, and had been twice alluded to in vice-regal speeches as a matter to which the attention of the Government would be directed, with a view to the principle which it advocated being carried into effect. But as no further action was taken, though Mr. Robertson had become a member of the Government, Mr. Parkes brought the subject forward in the first session of 1858, in order that Mr. Robertson's resolution might be re-affirmed.

Doubts had existed in the mind of Mr. Parkes as to the desirableness of having a Legislature composed of two Houses, but this feeling had arisen more from the operation of the Constitution up to that time than from any positive dislike of the dual system of legislation. Reflection showed him that what was regarded as unsatisfactory in the working of the Legislative Council might be traced to a specific cause, and that cause removed. That which, in his opinion, was most desirable, was to bring the second chamber into closer association with the people; not to make it a mere reflex of the Assembly, or, in its alteration, to introduce in any extreme degree the principles of democracy, but to place it on such an elective basis as would bring into the House "that class of persons whose length of service, great ability, and private virtue, constitute them the moral aristocracy of the country."

On many occasions since he expressed the same idea. At various times in his later career he had occasion to complain of the Council taking, with regard to measures sent there by the Assembly, a course which probably would not have been followed if the House had been directly responsible to the people; and twice he brought forward a bill to make the Council elective. Yet it cannot be denied that notwithstanding the obstacles which, by the action of the Upper Chamber, have been placed in the way of some proposals having the support of a majority in the Assembly, the Legislative Council has done good service to the country. Frequently it has checked or improved legislation hurriedly passed by the Lower House; it has originated valuable measures; and in all its proceedings it has displayed an extensive knowledge of political questions, and a clear view of the necessities of the case in the matter under discussion, with, on most occasions, a patriotic desire to do the best thing possible under the circumstances.

The course taken by Mr. Parkes in 1858, in seeking to have Mr. Robertson's resolution re-affirmed, was approved by the Assembly; and it was decided that, in the opinion of the House, "the Legislature of the colony ought to be composed of two Houses, both elected by the people."

In some quarters at the time an impression existed that this decision of the Assembly was intended as a hint to the Council of the course that might be taken if that House should prove hostile to the new Electoral Bill,—that it was in reality a threat intended to coerce the Upper Chamber in the consideration and passing of the measure. But, as far as Mr. Parkes was concerned, there is nothing to show that it was anything more than consistent action on a subject with reference to which he had been of one opinion all his life.

Railway construction in the colony was attracting attention at this period, and the Government were casting about for the best method of having the work carried out with stability and economy. Ten years previously there was not a mile of railway in New South Wales. Now Campbelltown had been reached on the Great Southern line, Parramatta on the Western, and West Maitland on the Northern. Crossing the mountain ranges, and penetrating far into the distant interior, were dreams of the future. The mail coach, built for strength rather than comfort, lumbered along the rough bush roads of the colony, spending many nights and days on journeys which now occupy less than twenty-four hours, and not infrequently having the monotony of its movements rudely interrupted by the appearance of a gang of bushrangers who rifled the mailbags and robbed the passengers. Everyone favoured the pushing on of the railways. Mr. Cowper, desirous of doing as much as possible in the matter, sought the authority of Parliament to carry on their construction under special agreement, instead of by contracts entered into after public competition for the work. Railway contractors were not then as numerous or as capable of carrying out their contracts as they are now, and Mr. Cowper's desire was to have the railways constructed by men like Sir Morton Peto, who was willing, if sufficient inducement offered, to send out the necessary plant and skill from England. Parliament gave Mr. Cowper the authority he asked for, but, at the instance of Mr. Parkes, with the understanding that any special agreement entered into should be laid before both Houses, if in session, fourteen days before the agreement was ratified.

While the Government were giving their attention to opening up the interior of the country by means of railways, Mr. Parkes took in hand the question of adequate communication with Europe and America by the establishment of a satisfactory mail and passenger service via Panama. A service by way of India was in existence, but in several respects it had not been satisfactory, and, by the adoption of the Panama route, Mr. Parkes saw prospects of regular and rapid communication with England and Europe, a considerable extension of trade, particularly with America, and probably the introduction of large numbers of desirable immigrants. In relation to the last subject he was one of those who thought that immigration to the country would be what it ought to be "just in proportion as it embodied in its volume a due proportion of capital and labour to carry on the operations of a civilized country." For that reason, believing at the same time it was only by means of a large population the colony could be benefitted, and its people enjoy permanent prosperity, he thought immigration should be entirely voluntary and spontaneous. Some years afterwards it was found wise to adopt a system of assisted immigration, but the "voluntary and spontaneous" method, so far as it has operated, has undoubtedly been the more beneficial.

It was argued by Mr. Parkes that the Panama service would bring to the colony a large population of the best class; and that it would infuse a new spirit into the commerce of the country, by which its resources would be developed, its reputation increased, and a position gained for it that would be the first in this part of the world. The Cowper Government agreed with the proposal, and the resolutions were passed by a large majority; but it was seven years later before what they recommended was carried into effect. Then the Pacific Ocean was "bridged" by a fleet of steamers equal to any at the time afloat, under a joint subsidy from the Governments of New South Wales and New Zealand; and, though the service was not successful to the extent anticipated, it placed Australia and New Zealand in close and regular communication with America, and has been followed by many good results.

The Parliament of 1858 had the further privilege of moving in the direction of the establishment of a naval station at Sydney. The question had been raised as long before as 1851, when Mr. James Martin advocated the maintenance of a force of two frigates. It was now brought forward by Mr. Donaldson, who proposed that there should be a naval squadron stationed in New South Wales waters, consisting of one fifty-gun frigate and three corvettes. But the proposal did not meet with general favour. It was thought that, if the Imperial Government could be induced to send the vessels, the colony would have to pay for their maintenance; and this it was believed would amount to perhaps £50,000 a year, an expense which New South Wales was not then prepared to incur. The Legislative Assembly, therefore, when the matter was under consideration, disposed of the subject by carrying the previous question.

The Electoral Bill was still before Parliament, and Mr. Parkes was assisting to the best of his ability in the debates upon its important provisions, when there appeared in the Empire an announcement forcibly indicating the embarrassments which, in connection with that journal, were troubling him at this period.

"The state of suspense", the notice stated, "in which this journal has for the last three weeks been issued, will be brought to a termination in the course of a few days, either by the restoration of the Empire to its former size and style of publication, or by its being permanently reduced; in which latter case a corresponding reduction will be made in the price, and the typographical arrangement and character of the paper will be materially altered." Then giving a statement of how the wages of printers had increased, causing the receipts of the establishment, amounting to more than £26,000 for the year, to be swallowed up in wages and other expenses of publication, it was explained how Mr. Parkes had proposed to the printers to reduce the rate he had been paying them, convinced after long experience that either this reduction must be submitted to or the publication itself reduced. The printers refused to agree to the reduction, and," said the notice, "it could not reasonably be expected that the proprietor should go on year after year, contending with complicated and undiminished difficulties, with all the anxiety and burden of collecting £26,000 or £27,000 a year from the four quarters of the globe, simply to pay it away for paper, ink, rent, and labour."

"It may be," the notice went on to say, "after all, that the colony cannot afford to support two daily papers on the scale of the morning journals hitherto published in Sydney. In that case the proprietor of the Empire is at last willing to give up the field to the older journal, and to reduce its publication to a secondary character. He certainly is not quite prepared for this final step, though more than weary of a struggle which has been disastrous to himself and those most closely connected with him, whatever may have been its other results; but a few days may determine its adoption."

The few days passed, and there seemed some hope that the increased difficulties might be surmounted, for another announcement appeared stating that the necessary mechanical arrangements would be completed not later than the following week, to enable the paper to be brought out permanently in its former size. It was not, however, so to be. Instead of the difficulties being removed, they became greater than ever; and he who had done so much by his journal for the good of the colony was forced into the Insolvency Court, and his career as a journalist came to an end. The last issue of the Empire was on 28th August, 1858, and three days afterwards there appeared, in the Herald's record of the business of the Insolvency Court, the information that Henry Parkes, of Hyde, newspaper proprietor, had surrendered his estate "on petition and affidavit", the liabilities being estimated at £50,000, and the assets at £48,500.

The same day were published as advertisements two communications from Mr. Parkes, one to the readers of the Empire, and the other to his constituents of the North Riding of Cumberland. The former was a plain but dignified statement of the reasons why the Empire had ceased to appear.

"The public journal established by me in November, 1850, and conducted by me up to last Saturday, has ceased to exist. I wish to say a few words which the public have a right to expect in explanation of its sudden stoppage. I still hold to the opinion I formerly expressed on different occasions, that the Empire during the first six years of its existence was eminently successful as a young journal. I know of no instance where a daily paper of equal magnitude, in so short a time, has risen to a higher position of circulation and influence, and received more frequent acknowledgments of ability and character. Its early embarrassments arose from inadequacy of means, and not from any natural condition of failure in the undertaking itself. But I firmly believe it would have surmounted all difficulties if the state of its affairs had not been brought before the public eighteen months ago.

"Of all things in the world a public journal is the very last to bear an exposure of this kind. It must command public respect, not depend upon public sympathy. I felt all this at the time of the first crisis in the Empire's affairs, and so expressed myself to the gentlemen who at so much personal inconvenience interested themselves publicly on my behalf. When matters were arranged for the continuance of the publication from April 1st, 1857, I accepted the obligation to go on and do the best I could for the property, though I was fully convinced that things were changed greatly to my disadvantage in the business.

"Since that period I feel conscious that I have done all that man could do, by continuous labour and systematic economy, to preserve the Empire in existence; and, though at last overborne in my efforts, I have succeeded in keeping its liabilities where they were at the commencement of this last struggle—showing how near it had risen to a position of safety when the first public shock came upon it.

"Independent of the injury sustained by the occurrence to which I have alluded, and from which the paper never appeared to recover, a variety of other circumstances arising out of that crisis in its existence, together with the general stagnation of business, have been unfavourable to success. Still, however, as the expenditure was very considerably reduced, I think the Empire would have floated through the bad times and its smaller difficulties, if it had not been for the apparent indifference of a large number of its readers in neglecting to pay their accounts. For example, I received by the post this morning several letters containing each the sum of £1 due on the 30th June for a quarter's subscription. In each of these cases while that debt of 20s. was accumulating the publication cost me upwards of £6,000. Since I have been waiting for the payment of that debt of 20s. it has cost me £4,000 more. Indeed, up to the present moment, we have not received 2s. 6d. in the pound on the total amount of the accounts demandable, beyond the limits of Sydney, on the 30th June. In these unpleasant facts may be discovered the immediate cause of the stoppage of the Empire." And the announcement closed with an appeal to those indebted to the paper to remit the amount of their accounts to the trustees "for the benefit of those whose pecuniary interests are involved in my misfortunes."

In these circumstances Mr. Parkes' career as a journalist closed, for, though at various times, in the subsequent years of his life, he contributed to the Press, he did not again take part in the conduct of a newspaper.

Henceforth his abilities were to be devoted to politics. So far as he had proceeded he had won for the Empire a very prominent position, and by its aid had in many ways done good service to the country. Well conducted it was from the issue of the first number, but its best days from journalistic and literary points of view may be said to have been during the years 1854-1856. By that time it had become in every sense a great newspaper, and had attracted to its service many of the ablest writers in the colony. Sir James Martin, Mr. William Forster, and Mr. Edward Butler were among the contributors to its pages. Men skilful with the pen, and earnest in the desire to use it to the advantage of the colony, admired the outspoken tone of the paper, and coveted the privilege of writing for its columns. And so it flourished, and its importance in the community grew. If it had continued, and its conductor had never entered on a Parliamentary career, he would, as a great journalist, have always been a conspicuous figure among the prominent men of his time, and held in general esteem as a public benefactor.

Mr. Parkes' insolvency made it necessary for him to resign his seat in the Assembly for the North Riding of Cumberland, and in taking leave of his constituents he explained to them his position. He had worked hard in the House during the few T months he had been their representative, assisting to the utmost of his ability to make the Electoral Bill a fair and useful measure. He had voted in every division on its clauses, always on the side of practical reform, and had taken part in all important discussions. On other questions also he had in all instances endeavoured to act in the public interest. Now, for a time at least, retirement into private life was inevitable. "Circumstances of private difficulty," he wrote, "known to you at the time of my election, which it was thought would terminate more fortunately, have, contrary to my hopes, assumed a weight beyond my strength to support, and involved me in absolute and irretrievable ruin."