Читать книгу The Salish People: Volume III - Charles Hill-Tout - Страница 8
ОглавлениеETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES OF THE MAINLAND HALKOMELEM, A DIVISION OF THE SALISH OF BRITISH COLUMBIA1
The following notes are a summary of the writer’s studies of the Lower Fraser Indians. They deal chiefly with the Tcilqeuk [Chilli-wack] 2 and Kwantlen tribes. The Indians inhabiting the Lower Fraser district comprise in all some fourteen or fifteen separate tribes, an enumeration of which was given by Dr. F. Boas in his Report to the British Association, 1894. They occupy the shores of the estuary, extending up the river as far as Spuzzum, which forms the dividing-line between them and the Thompson beyond. Collectively they are known to themselves as the Halkomelem or Henkomenem people. The name, according to my informants, signifies “those who speak the same language.” This division of the Salish is not confined to the Mainland. An important branch of it is found on Vancouver Island, over against the estuary. The speech of both branches, although exhibiting interesting dialectical differences, is mutually intelligible. The Halkomelem tribes occupy a larger and more scattered territory than any other of the Salish divisions of British Columbia, the distance between the most eastern and the most western tribes being upwards of 200 miles. When it is remembered that the speech of the Salish tribes which border upon them on every side is so strange and different as to be quite unintelligible to the Halkomelem people, the practical homogeneity of their own speech, despite the fact of their widely scattered territories, has a significance we cannot afford to overlook. It assuredly reveals to us, as plainly as the unwritten past can be revealed, that they cannot have occupied their present territories for any considerable time. The intercourse between the different tribes, as far as can be gathered from themselves, was never very free or extended, the nature of the country forbidding this. Consequently we should find vastly greater divergence in the speech of the upper and lower, the Mainland and Island, tribes than is the case if they had been settled for any great length of time in their present quarters. While the Salish language as a whole, with its dozens of dialects and scores of sub-dialects, displays such capacity for dialectical variation as it does, we can hardly believe that the same tendency to change is absent from the Halkomelem speech. We may safely conclude, therefore, that the Halkomelem tribes are comparative late-comers in the territories they now occupy. All lines of available evidence tend to confirm this view.3 Whether the Island or the Mainland tribes constitute the parent branch, or whether the Island or the Mainland was the earlier home of the division, cannot now be determined. This, and the kindred question of the original home of the whole undivided Salish stock, will be dealt with later, when our investigations have covered the whole field of inquiry.
The Tcilqeuk [Chilliwack]
Ethnography
The Chilliwack have greatly decreased in number during the past two generations, though they do not appear to have ever been a populous tribe, even in the old days. As at present constituted the tribe is subdivided into eight separate groups or village communities, which together number about fifty adult males. The names of these villages and their respective chiefs, as given to me by Captain John, siam of Suwale [Soowahlie], are as follows:
| Villages | Chiefs | Adult males |
| l. Sqai [Skway]4 | Motes | 9 |
| 2. Sqaialo [Squiala] | Klacalem | 4 |
| 3. Atselits [Atselits or Atchelitz] | Swaius | 2 |
| 4. Skaukel [Skaukel or Skulkayn] | Qatekueta | 9 |
| 5. Yukukweus [Yakweakwioose] | Qateselta | 7 |
| 6. Tciaktel [Chiaktel or Tzeachten] | 3 | |
| 7. Clalki | Weuseluk | 1 |
| 8. Suwale [Soowahlie] | Swales | 12 |
In earlier days the tribe was less scattered than at present, and had its settlements on the upper reaches of the Chilliwack River, contiguous to Soowahlie, the former headquarters of the tribe. I obtained from Captain John the names of these old settlements: (1) Suwale ‘melting away’ (the people here once died in great numbers); (2) Skwealets “coming in of the water'; (3) Stlep ‘home country’ (on a level stretch of land lying between the forks of the river, here the old long communal houses of the tribe were situated); (4) Caltelitc, from cacal ”back' (on the edge or “back” of a slough); (5) Qoqaia ‘maggot-fly’ (so called because of the number of maggot-flies found here in the summer). These settlements constituted the original home of the Chilliwack, according to the traditions of the tribe. They have no record of any other ancestral home. In their own words, they “have always dwelt there, looking on the same sky and the same mountains.”
According to one of their myths, they dwelt here before the Chilli-wack River sprang from the mountains. This river rises in a mountain lake known locally as Cultus Lake, but called by the Indians themselves Swieltca;5 and its formation is said to have come about in the following manner. In the olden days there lived a youth who frequented this lake. Its shores were his training-ground. One day he came to the village and said he had learned in a dream (ulia) how to make water run. The people laughed and jeered at him. Said he to them: “To show you that I can do as I say I will make the water of the lake run by the village before the sun sets.” With that he started for the lake. A little later he appeared in the village again. “Look out now,” he cried; “the water will soon be here.” Presently a small stream of water was seen descending the slope. In a short time this increased to a rushing torrent, which, as there was no bed for it to run in, divided and ran in several directions, cutting out in its course the different channels or arms through which the water now flows before uniting in the one stream. It is quite possible this myth or tradition has some foundation in fact. The waters of the river are clearly the overflow of the lake. This overflow may have formerly had some other outlet, which for some reason or other failed to do its work, and a new outlet became necessary. While none of the Chilliwack Indians entertain any doubt about the truth of this tradition, the younger and more intelligent of them believe that the youth of the story in his wanderings round the lake discovered some weak spot in the margin overlooking the slope occupied by the tribe, which required but a little assistance from him to become an outlet for the lake’s overflow. They do not believe any longer in the magic part of it. They are, indeed, now generally very sceptical of the marvellous feats and wonder-working powers of their old-time shamans, as recorded in the tribal myths and traditions. Thus we see the disintegrating forces introduced by our advent at work here, as in other sides of their life and character.
Sociology
In their social organisation and customs the Chilliwack differ in some interesting respects from the neighbouring Halkomelem tribes. This may be possibly due to the fact that the Chilliwack are not true members of the Halkomelem division, though they now speak its tongue. They have a tradition among them that up to a century ago they spoke a different language. What this was even their old men could not remember. Captain John gave me a few words which he said belonged to the old language. These are all true Salish terms, though non-Halkomelem. He also told me that an old man of their tribe lived among the Nootsak [Nooksack] Indians, to the south of the International Boundary Line, who knew the old tongue. I paid a special visit to this settlement to see this old man, but failed to find him. I fear he is dead, as I could hear nothing of him. I learnt, however, that the Nooksack speech is closely allied to the Squamish. The tribe is much broken down. It is now formed of members of several originally different tribes, only about a half-dozen true male Nooksack Indians being alive.6
“Captain John gave me a few words which he said belonged to the old language.” (B.C. Prov. Mus. photo)
The Chilliwack were more communistic in their mode of life than any tribe I have treated of heretofore. The people were divided into the usual threefold division of chiefs, notables, and base folk. The chieftaincy or headship of the tribe was practically hereditary, though the people could depose their chief and elect another in his place if they were dissatisfied with his supervision of the tribe, or his conduct was such as to make him a bad director. I say “director” rather than “ruler” because the siams of the Salish were rarely, if ever, rulers in the ordinary sense of the word. They were rather overseers or fathers of the tribe, the siam combining in himself the character and functions of a common father and a high-priest, the office, indeed, being more sacerdotal than imperial. He it was who always led and directed the prayers of the community and conducted all their religious observances. To this day he leads them in their responses and conducts the service in their churches when their white minister or instructor is absent. Apparently the deposition of a chief was an extremely rare occurrence. This may possibly have been because the occupants of the office fully realised its dignity and its privileges, and had no desire to forfeit them; but I am disposed to think it was more because they were usually genuinely impressed with the responsibility and duties of their position, and strove earnestly to fulfil them. At any rate, we hear very rarely of a bad or neglectful chief. The Chilliwack traditions record but one such. A deposed chief would be succeeded by his son, or brother, or cousin; so that the chieftaincy would rarely pass out of the family or caste of the chief. I inquired among the Chilliwack what conduct on the part of a chief would bring about his deposition; and was told that selfishness, or meanness, or neglect of the material welfare of the tribe would assuredly do so. I further inquired what course would be taken to depose him. They replied: the elders and chief men of the tribe would meet together and discuss the matter, and then the chief would be told that he was no longer siam, that his son, or his brother, or his cousin had been appointed in his place. The deposed chief would quietly acquiesce in the decision and the new chief would take his place; and that would be the end of the matter. From this it is clear that although the office of siam was practically hereditary, and generally descended from father to son, the chief held the position really on sufferance and with the common consent of the elders and nobles of the tribe. Apparently, among those Salish tribes which are subdivided into village communities, there is always one chief of more importance than the rest. He is lord-paramount. It was so among the Thompson, the Kwantlen, the Squamish and the Chilliwack. Among the latter he is called Yuwel Siam, which signifies “the first-going chief.”
The prime duty of a Chilliwack siam was the care and order of the village or community. His chief thought was given to that, and he was deemed responsible for the common welfare and comfort of the tribe. He directed all undertakings in the common interest, and appointed the times for salmon-fishing, root-digging, and berry-picking. A popular chief was one who was generous, liberal, and kind-hearted, and looked well after the material comforts of the tribe. Rarely, if ever, did the siam act in a military capacity. The stamiq, or war-chief, was generally chosen from among the fighting-men of the tribe on account of his superior prowess or skill in warfare. There was no regular warrior class. Such members of the tribe only as were fond of fighting ever went out to battle, except in such cases as when their settlements or homes were attacked. Then all the men, and sometimes the women too, took part. But this was a rare occurrence. Their traditions speak of quarrels and contests with their neighbours, the Pilatlq [Pilalt]. These arose generally on account of one tribe overrunning the hunting grounds of the other. Apparently the Chilliwack were mostly to blame in this respect, often overstepping the boundaries between them and the Pilalt and hunting in the latter’s territories. Sometimes a body of warriors would descend the Fraser, harry some of the lower settlements, and bring back a number of captives. These they would sell as slaves to the more timid or less adventurous of the tribe, and thus enrich themselves. The siam would usually discountenance these forays; but, as in every other tribe, there were also among the Chilliwack some restless, venturesome spirits, and these would from time to time persuade others less warlike than themselves to join them, by tempting them with visions and promises of the rich spoils they would secure and bring home. Sometimes these war-parties were never heard of again, being ambushed and slain by the way.
I could learn little concerning secret societies or brotherhoods, though some such apparently formerly existed among them, the brotherhood of the sqoiaqi being the most noted. There were also, seemingly, fraternities which possessed peculiar dances; but the whole subject is very obscure and its particulars difficult to gather among the Chilliwack. In common with the other Salish tribes, the Chilliwack indulged in religious and social dances. They observed, too, the Feasts of First-fruits, which were conducted much as described by me in my notes on the Thompson.7 These religious feasts seem to have been observed by all the Halkomelem tribes, as I find them among the upper and the lower tribes of the river.
The potlatch, mortuary, naming, and other feasts were held in esteem by the Chilliwack, as by other of the Salish tribes, though all have been reluctantly given up as a general thing for some years past. Occasionally someone with a large house will be induced to give a dance, I was informed. This will be conducted partly on native lines and partly on the lines of the white man’s dance; but all such gatherings are discountenanced by the Indian authorities and by the missionaries, and occur now but rarely.
The lines between the three social divisions of the Chilliwack were less rigid than those between some of the coast tribes; at least, that is, between the notabilities and the common people. The chief’s caste was a class apart. Only those connected by consanguineal ties could belong to this caste, the head of which was always the yuwel siam, who always bore the personal name or title of swales in addition to his other individual names; and his daughters were always called swalesant. I was unable to learn the significance of these terms, other than that swales signified “getting rich.” A noble or headman among the Chilliwack was such by his wealth and intelligence and by the consent of his fellow-tribesmen. Any man, other than a slave, could win such a position for himself by the acquisition of wealth and by a generous and discreet distribution of the same. The common people, other than the slaves, were such because they were lazy, thriftless, unambitious, or incapable of rising in the social scale.
As I observed at the outset, the Chilliwack were more communistic than their neighbours; they held their possessions more in common. Thus, for example, they ate together as one family. The chief would call upon a certain individual each day to provide the meals for all the others, everyone, more or less, thus taking it in turn to discharge this social duty. The sick and old he would make the charge of those who were best able to take care of them. Thus all were provided for and none left in want. It must not be supposed, however, that all fared alike. Under such a rule there would be no incentive for any individual to lay in a good store of choice food, and the lazy and thriftless would reap the benefits of the toil and foresight of the industrious and careful. In each family the food stores were always divided into three portions, and packed away separately on the shelves over the beds. At the back, where it was most protected from injury, dust, and smoke, was placed the choicest portion. This was intended for the siam, who was entitled by his office to the best of everything. In the middle was placed the second best portion. This was for the owner and his friends, and others of his social rank. On the outside was stored away all the inferior food. This was for the common folk. Thus, by this division of their supplies, though their meals were communistic, there was given no encouragement to thriftlessness or indolence. This singular mixture of communism and privilege is an extremely interesting feature of the social life of the Chilliwack. It seems, moreover, peculiar to them, as I have not found it elsewhere.
The tribe was originally endogamous; but later, closer contact with the neighbouring tribes made a strict observance of this rule impolitic, and led to the taking of wives from other communities. Polygamy was common among the Chilliwack, a man having sometimes as many as ten wives. The number of a man’s wives was ordered, as a rule, partly by his inclinations and partly by his ability to support them. Like most of the other tribes, they kept slaves, the wealthy possessing several of both sexes. These were generally captives taken in warfare or in some foray on some distant settlement.
Dwellings
The permanent habitation of the Chilliwack was, as I have said, the communal long-house. The adoption of this style of dwelling, I learnt, was primarily for purposes of mutual protection and defence in cases of attack. It can readily be seen that such houses would be imperatively needful where the community was small, the number of males limited, and the tribe surrounded by hostile and predatory bands. Later, when this need was no longer felt, custom and a recognition of the social advantages of such a structure would operate to perpetuate this mode of building. I think there can be but little doubt that these dwellings, first erected for mutual safetly and protection, have profoundly affected the social life and customs of the Indians using them. The communism of the Halkomelem and coast Salish tribes doubtless grew out of it; likewise their character dances, which are invariably performed during the winter days and evenings in these long common houses.
The long-house of the Chilliwack was of the half gable or single slope pattern, the front or higher side rising 25 or 30 feet. The interior was equally divided between the different families of the tribe. Each family was entitled to a space eight talcs square. (A talc was the length of the interval or space between the outstretched arms of a man, measured across his chest from the tip of the middle finger on one hand to the corresponding point on the other.) When the tribe was populous these houses would extend in an unbroken line for several hundred feet. The chief always occupied the centre. In this custom we have plain evidence of the truth of the statement made to me by the Indians, that they adopted this style of house primarily for protective purposes. The chief — the father and head of the tribe — whose loss would be most severely felt, is always lodged in the securest portion of the structure. On either side of him dwell his brothers, the elder ones coming first. After them come the lesser chiefs and notables, and beyond these again the common folk. There were commonly but two doors to these dwellings, one at each end. In the interior, the spaces allotted to family use were separated by hanging mats or screens of grass or reeds. On festive occasions these were taken down and the divisions thrown into one. The beds were formed by reed mats laid one upon another, the head-rests or pillows being rolls of the same. The coverings of the meaner class were of the same material; the wealthier supplemented these by dressed skins and blankets made from the wool of the mountain-goat.
The keekwilee, or underground winter-house, was also occasionally used by some of the Chilliwack, and known to them by the term skemel. Lalem is the name by which the long-house was known, which, to judge by the lam of the Squamish and other tribes, is the collective form of the term.
The household utensils of the Chilliwack did not differ, except in size, from those used by their congeners elsewhere. These consisted of various forms of basketry, always made, as among the Thompsons, from the split roots of young cedar-trees; wooden bowls, dishes, platters, and spoons. As their meals were of the communistic order, large receptacles were a necessity. Consequently we find these utensils habitually formed on a larger scale among the Chilliwack than among the other tribes. They had enormous cedar troughs, ten or more feet long and two or three feet wide, called skwelstel; big maple dishes, called kamomolp latsel. Besides these were the ordinary heklatsel, or big platter; and the memel latsel, or small platter; the qsieqelc, or wooden dipper or spoon, and the qalo, or horn-spoon.
Dress
The dress of the Chilliwack was similar to that of the contiguous Salish tribes described by me in former reports.
Shamanism
Shamanism was prevalent among the Chilliwack, and exercised a pervasive and paramount influence in their lives. The shamans were of three classes: the sqelam, or doctor, the term signifying “to heal or make well”; the olia, or soothsayer, from ulia ‘to dream’; and the yeuwa, or witch, or sorcerer, from yeuwa cto bewitch or enchant.' The last was of either sex; the others were invariably men. The office of the sqelam, despite his title of “healer,” was not to attend to or cure wounds or such bodily injuries; that was one of the functions of the olia. There is great significance in this fact. An external wound or injury was a matter of comparatively simple import; there was nothing mysterious about it. It was the natural result of a known and comprehended cause. The functions of the sqelam were rather to restore health and vigour to the body when prostrate or suffering from some inward sickness or malady, as when under the supposed influence of some spell or enchantment. He was pre-eminently the “pathologist” of the tribe. Pathological conditions among the Chilliwack, as among other primitive peoples, were regarded as the result of maleficent and mysterious agencies, which could only be controlled or counteracted by incantations and rites performed by one versed in the mysteries, as a sqelam.
