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[1] G. R., ii, pp. 459–463.

[2] “Per resurrectionem Dei! probus erit Robelinus Curta Ocrea.” Ibid., pp. 459–460.

[3] Ibid., p. 460; Ordericus, iii, p. 262: “corpore autem brevis et grossus, ideoque Brevis Ocrea a patre est cognominatus”; ibid., iv, p. 16: “Curta Ocrea iocose cognominatus est.” In another passage (ii, p. 295) Ordericus mentions Gambaron (from jambes or gambes rondes) as another popular nickname: “corpore pingui, brevique statura, unde vulgo Gambaron cognominatus est, et Brevis Ocrea.” In still another place he calls him ‘Robertus Ignavus.’ Interpolations d’Orderic Vital, in William of Jumièges, p. 193.

[4] G. R., ii, p. 460.

[5] It seems to be a sort of an epitome, moved forward somewhat in Robert’s career, of his rebellious course between 1078 and the death of the Conqueror.

[6] Cf. Auguste Le Prévost, in Ordericus, ii, p. 377, n. 1; E. A. Freeman, History of the Norman Conquest (2d ed., Oxford, 1870–76), iv, pp. 638–646 et passim. The defence of Robert by Le Hardy is rather zealous than critical, and has not achieved its purpose.

[7] Ordericus, ii, p. 294: “Robertum primogenitam sobolem suam.” In the numerous lists of William and Matilda’s children Robert always appears first: see, e.g., Ordericus, ii, pp. 93, 188; iii, p. 159; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 251.

[8] E.g., Thomas Stapleton, in The Archaeological Journal, iii (1846), pp. 20–21; Le Prévost, in Ordericus, v, p. 18, n. 1; Freeman, in E. H. R., iii (1888), pp. 680–681, and Norman Conquest, iii, pp. 660–661. Stapleton, Le Prévost, and Freeman all cite the Tours chronicle (H. F., xi, p. 348) as authority for the date. But in point of fact the Tours chronicle gives no such date; and so far as it may be said to give any date at all, it seems to assign the marriage to 1056. Stapleton suggests in favor of 1053 that the imprisonment of Leo IX by the Normans in that year may have emboldened the interested parties to a defiance of the ecclesiastical prohibition.

[9] “Interdixit et Balduino comiti Flandrensi, ne filiam suam Wilielmo Nortmanno nuptui daret; et illi, ne earn acciperet.” Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, ed. G. D. Mansi and others (Venice, etc., 1759-), xix, col. 742.

[10] Cartulaire de l’abbaye de la Sainte-Trinité du Mont de Rouen, ed. Achille Deville, no. 37, in Collection de cartulaires de France (Paris, 1840: Documents Inédits), iii, p. 441; Chartes de Saint-Julien de Tours, ed. J.-L. Denis (Le Mans, 1912), no. 24. Both these charters are dated 1053, and the attestations of Matilda seem incontestably contemporary. The Tours charter in addition to the incarnation has “regnante Henrico rege anno xxviii.” This is unusual and might raise a doubt, but it pretty clearly refers to the year 1053. No. 26 of the same collection similarly gives 1059 as the thirty-fourth year of King Henry. Both evidently reckon the reign as beginning from 1026, when Henry was probably designated heir to the throne a year before his actual coronation in 1027. Christian Pfister, Études sur le règne de Robert le Pieux (Paris, 1885), pp. 76–77. This conclusion seems to be confirmed by a charter of 26 May in the thirtieth year of Robert the Pious (1026?) which Henry attests as king, according to Pfister, ‘by anticipation.’ Ibid., p. lxxxii, no. 78. But Frédéric Soehnée does not accept Pfister’s conclusion. Catalogue des actes d’Henri Iᵉʳ, roi de France, 1031–1060 (Paris, 1907), no. 10. The original is not extant.

Ferdinand Lot has published two charters—both from originals—dated 1051, which bear attestations of Countess Matilda and of Robert ‘iuvenis comitis.’ The attestation of Robert Curthose will save one from any temptation to carry the marriage of William and Matilda back to 1051 on the evidence of these documents, for even though the marriage had taken place as early as 1049, it would clearly be impossible for Robert to attest a document in 1051. Lot explains, “Les souscriptions de Matilde … et de son fils aîné Robert ont été apposées après coup, et semblent autographes.” Études critiques sur l’abbaye de Saint-Wandrille (Paris, 1913), nos. 30, 31, pp. 74–77.

[11] Le Prévost, in Ordericus, v, p. 18, n. 1; Le Hardy, p. 9; Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv, p. 123, n. 3.

[12] William of Malmesbury says of him in 1066 that “spectatae iam virtutis habebatur adolescens.” G. R., ii, p. 459. In a charter of confirmation by Robert dated 1066 he is described as old enough to give a voluntary confirmation: “quia scilicet maioris iam ille aetatis ad praebendum spontaneum auctoramentum idoneus esset.” Cartulaire de Laval et de Vitré, no. 30, in Arthur Bertrand de Broussillon, La maison de Laval (Paris, 1895–1903), i, p. 45; cf. Davis, Regesta, no. 2.

[13] Cartulaire de la Trinité du Mont, no. 60. According to Le Prévost it is of about the year 1060. Ordericus, v, p. 18, n. 1.

[14] Round, C. D. F., no. 1173; Davis, Regesta, no. 2. Le Prévost (Ordericus, v, p. 18, n. 1) refers to an early charter by Duke William in favor of Saint-Ouen of Rouen, in which appears “Hilgerius magister pueri.” This is probably Cartulary of Saint-Ouen (28 bis), MS., p. 280, no. 345, and p. 233, no. 278, a charter of doubtful authenticity.

[15] Davis, Regesta, no. 6a.

[16] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 460: “nec infaceti eloquii … nec enervis erat consilii”; ibid., p. 463: “patria lingua facundus, ut sit iocundior nullus”, Ordericus Vitalis, who is less flattering, calls him ‘loquax,’ but he adds, “voce clara et libera, lingua diserta.” Ordericus, ii, p. 295. Cf. Ralph of Caen, in H. C. Oc., iii, p. 666.

[17] Infra, pp. 187–188.

[18] If we could attach any importance to a speech which Ordericus puts into the mouth of Robert apropos of his quarrel with his father, the young prince would seem to have shared the opinion of many another headstrong youth about grammarians: “Huc, domine mi rex, non accessi pro sermonibus audiendis, quorum copia frequenter usque ad nauseam imbutus sum a grammaticis.” Ordericus, ii, p. 379.

[19] On these events and their sequel see Robert Latouche, Histoire du comté du Maine pendant le Xᵉ et le XIᵉ siècle (Paris, 1910), pp. 29 ff.; Louis Halphen, Le comté d’Anjou au XIᵉ siècle (Paris, 1906), pp. 74–80, 178 ff.

[20] Latouche shows that the treaty must be later than the election of Vougrin, bishop of Le Mans, 31 August 1055, and earlier than the death of Geoffrey Martel, 1060. He thinks it probably later than the battle of Varaville, 1058. Maine, p. 32, n. 5.

[21] William of Poitiers, in H. F., xi, pp. 85, 86; Ordericus, ii, pp. 102, 252. The two sources are not in complete accord. Except at one point I have preferred the former as being the more strictly contemporary. William of Poitiers represents the betrothal of William and Margaret not as a part of the original treaty, but as a later arrangement made by Duke William after Herbert’s death in order to forestall a possible controversy as to Norman rights in Maine. But this marriage alliance looms so large in the narrative of Ordericus Vitalis that it seems hardly likely that it was a mere afterthought on Duke William’s part. Ordericus represents it as the fundamental provision of the treaty. According to his view it was through Margaret that Norman rights in Maine arose. He does not seem to realize that upon such reasoning they would also terminate with her death. For William of Poitiers, on the other hand, the fundamental provision of the treaty was the agreement that Duke William should be Count Herbert’s heir. This would give the duke permanent rights after Herbert’s death. It seems not unlikely that both provisions were included in the treaty and that Duke William regarded them both as important. At times he dealt with Maine as if of his own absolute right; at other times he put forward his son as bearer of the Norman rights.

[22] Ordericus, ii, p. 104; William of Poitiers, in H. F., xi, p. 86.

[23] Latouche, Maine, p. 146, nos. 32, 33.

[24] Ibid., p. 33.

[25] Latouche has shown that the date of the revolt falls between 9 March 1062 and 14 March 1063. Maine, p. 33, n. 4. The account of Ordericus Vitalis is confused, and the date (1064) which he gives is impossible. Ordericus, ii, pp. 101–103. The suit held before the ducal curia at Domfront, “cum Guillelmus, Normanniae comes, Cenomannicam urbem haberet adquisitam,” should probably be assigned to 1063 rather than to 1064. Bertrand de Broussillon, Maison de Laval, i, p. 41, no. 28.

[26] Herbert Éveille-Chien was grandfather of Herbert II. Biota, therefore, was aunt of Margaret, Robert Curthose’s fiancée. The genealogy of the counts of Maine in the eleventh century has at last been disentangled by Latouche. Maine, pp. 113–115, appendix iii. F. M. Stenton, William the Conqueror (New York, 1908), pp. 129 ff., and appendix, table d, is inaccurate.

[27] Halphen, Anjou, pp. 137, 293–294, no. 171. Cf. Latouche, Maine, pp. 33–34.

[28] Ordericus, ii, pp. 103, 259. William of Poitiers makes no mention of the poisoning. Halphen (Anjou, p. 179) and Latouche (Maine, p. 34, and n. 6) accept the account of Ordericus as true, the latter explaining that William of Poitiers, as a panegyrist, naturally passes over such an act in silence. Freeman, on the other hand, holds the story to be an unsubstantiated rumor, inconsistent with the character of William the Conqueror. Norman Conquest, iii, p. 208.

[29] Cf. Latouche, Maine, pp. 34–35. The primary authorities are William of Poitiers, in H. F., xi, pp. 85–86, and Ordericus, ii, pp. 101–104.

[30] It is the thesis of Latouche that “pendant tout le cours du XIᵉ [siècle] le comte du Maine s’était trouvé vis-à-vis de celui d’Anjou dans un état de vassalité,” and he points out that it was the policy of William the Conqueror and Robert Curthose to respect “le principe de la suzeraineté angevine.” Maine, pp. 54–56.

[31] Ibid., p. 35.

[32] Ordericus, ii, p. 253: “Guillelmus autem Normannorum princeps post mortem Herberti iuvenis haereditatem eius obtinuit, et Goisfredus comes Rodberto iuveni cum filia Herberti totum honorem concessit, et hominium debitamque fidelitatem ab illo in praesentia patris apud Alencionem recepit.” Ordericus is the sole authority for this homage; and his account of it is incidental to a brief resumé of the lives of the counts of Maine, and forms no part of his general narrative of William’s conquest of the county in 1063. The date of the homage, therefore, is conjectural. The revolt of the Manceaux took place soon after the death of Count Herbert; and since Geoffrey le Barbu supported the revolt, it seems natural to regard the homage as a final act in the general pacification, and to assign it to 1063. This is the view taken by Latouche (Maine, p. 35) as against Kate Norgate (England under the Angevin Kings, London, 1887, i, p. 217), who places the homage before the revolt.

[33] Latouche, Maine, p. 34.

[34] E.g., [before 1066] charter by Duke William establishing collegiate canons at Cherbourg (Revue catholique de Normandie, x, pp. 46–50); [before 1066] charter by Duke William in favor of Coutances cathedral (Round, C. D. F., no. 957); 1068 (indiction xiii by error for vi), confirmation by King William and by Robert of a charter in favor of La Couture, Le Mans (Cartulaier des abbayes de Saint-Pierre de la Couture et de Saint-Pierre de Solesmes, ed. the Benedictines of Solesmes, Le Mans, 1881, no. 15; cf. Latouche, Maine, p. 147, no. 35); 1074, charter by King William in favor of Bayeux cathedral (Davis, Regesta, no. 76).

[35] A donation by Gradulf, a canon of Saint-Vincent of Le Mans, is dated as follows: “Igitur hec omnia facta sunt in Bellimensi Castro viiiᵒ kal. Septembris, currente xivᵃ indictione, et Philippo rege Francorum regnante Robertoque, Willelmi regis Anglorum filio, Cenomannicam urbem gubernante.” Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Saint-Vincent du Mans, ed. R. Charles and S. Menjot d’Elbenne (Le Mans, 1886), i, no. 589.

[36] Ordericus Vitalis (ii, p. 104) describes her as “speciosam virginem”; William of Poitiers (H. F., xi, p. 86) is more lavish of praise: “Haec generosa virgo, nomine Margarita, insigni specie decentior fuit omni margarita.”

[37] Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 268; William of Poitiers, in H. F., xi, p. 86; Ordericus, ii, p. 104. According to Gallia Christiana (ed. the Benedictines of Saint-Maur and others, Paris, 1715–75, xi, col. 205) Margaret died 13 December 1060; but this is clearly an error, since after the death of Count Herbert II (9 March 1062) she joined with Robert Curthose in doing homage to Geoffrey le Barbu, and this act took place apparently in the year 1063. Ordericus, ii, p. 253; and cf. supra, n. 32. Latouche suggests that the editors of Gallia Christiana have probably taken the day and the month from some obituary and are in error, therefore, only as to the year. Maine, p. 32, n. 6. It is probably only a desire for literary effect which leads William of Poitiers to say that Margaret was snatched away by death shortly before her proposed marriage: “Sed ipsam non longe ante diem quo mortali sponso iungeretur hominibus abstulit Virginis Filius.” Apparently at the time of her death Margaret had become a nun. Robert of Torigny states that she died a ‘virgo Christo devota’, and William of Poitiers says that she died practising great austerities and wearing a hair shirt.

[38] Supra, n. 34.

[39] Supra, n. 25.

[40] Charter of Stigand de Mézidon, the same to whom Duke William had committed the wardship of Margaret of Maine, in favor of Saint-Ouen of Rouen. Mémoires et notes de M. Auguste Le Prévost pour servir à l’histoire du département de l’Eure, ed. Léopold Delisle and Louis Passy (Évreux, 1862–69), i, p. 562.

[41] Round, C. D. F., no. 1173; Davis, Regesta, no. 2. The charter is dated at Rouen, 1066.

[42] The date of the ceremony is uncertain. It can hardly have been as early as the charter of 1063 which is cited in n. 40 supra. It seems more likely to have been a measure taken in 1066 when the attack upon England was in contemplation. Thus Ordericus Vitalis (ii, p. 294) speaks of it somewhat vaguely as a measure taken “ante Senlacium,” and in another place (ii, p. 378) he makes Robert say to his father: “Normanniam … quam dudum, antequam contra Heraldum in Angliam transfretares, mihi concessisti”; and again (iii, p. 242) he makes the Conqueror on his deathbed use language of similar import: “Ducatum Normanniae, antequam in epitumo Senlac contra Heraldum certassem, Roberto filio meo concessi, quia primogenitus est. Hominium pene omnium huius patriae baronum iam recepit.” Florence of Worcester, Chronicon ex Chronicis, ed. Benjamin Thorpe (London, 1848–49), ii, p. 12: “Normanniam quam sibi ante adventum ipsius in Angliam, coram Philippo rege Francorum dederat.” Cf. A.-S. C., a. 1079; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 268.

[43] The question as to the period and manner of this homage is complicated by the fact that the ceremony was repeated at an undetermined date after the Norman Conquest on the occasion of the king’s serious illness at Bonneville. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a. 1079) and Florence of Worcester (ii, p. 12) are the only sources which mention the assent of King Philip. From Florence it seems to be clear that this assent was given on the earlier occasion.

[44] William of Poitiers, in H. F., xi, p. 103; Ordericus, ii, p. 178. According to the former the council was headed by Roger of Beaumont, according to the latter by Roger of Montgomery.

[45] Ordericus, ii, pp. 177, 178. William of Jumièges (p. 139) makes no mention of Matilda or of the council of regents, but says that the duchy was committed to Robert: “Rodberto filio suo iuvenili flore vernanti Normannici ducatus dominium tradidit.”

[46] E.g., 1067, April, Vaudreuil, charter by William I in favor of the monks of Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire (Davis, Regesta, no. 6a); 1082, June 24, Oissel, two confirmations by William I of grants in favor of Saint-Martin of Marmoutier (ibid., nos. 145, 146); [1079–82], confirmation by William I of a grant in favor of the abbey of Troarn (ibid., no. 172). Lot publishes two charters of 1051, in which Robert’s attestation as the ‘young count’ has been interpolated at some later date. See supra, n. 10. He also publishes a charter, “vers 1071,” in which appears “presente Rotberto comite.” Saint-Wandrille, no. 43, pp. 99–100. Lot supposes that this is Count Robert of Eu, but it is more probably Robert Curthose. See Haskins, p. 66, n. 18.

There is no regular practice with regard to Robert’s title in documents during the Conqueror’s lifetime. Occasionally, as above noted, he is called ‘count of the Normans’; occasionally, as has been pointed out in an earlier note (supra, n. 34), he bears the title ‘count of Maine.’ Often he appears without title as ‘Robert the king’s son’ (Davis, Regesta, nos. 73, 92a, 126, 140, 165, 168, 171, 255); but generally he is called count (ibid., nos. 2, 30, 74, 75, 76, 96, 105, 114, 125, 127, 135, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 158, 169, 170, 172, 173, 175, 182, 183a, 199); and very frequently his designation is ‘Count Robert the king’s son’ (ibid., nos. 30, 74, 75, 105, 114, 125, 147, 149, 150, 158, 169, 170).

[47] This appears to be the implication of Ordericus, ii, p. 188.

[48] On the date see Latouche, Maine, p. 36, n. 1. On the revolt generally and its sequel see ibid., pp. 35–38; Halphen, Anjou, pp. 180–181; Actus Pontificum, pp. 376–381; Ordericus, ii, pp. 253–254.

[49] Actus Pontificum, pp. 380–381; Ordericus, ii, pp. 254–255; Latouche, Maine, p. 38; Halphen, Anjou, p. 181. The campaign took place in 1073 (A.-S. C., a. 1073) before 30 March, as is shown by a confirmation by King William in favor of the monks of La Couture: “Anno Domini millesimo septuagesimo tercio iii kalendas Aprilis, roboratum est hoc preceptum a rege Anglorum Guillelmo apud Bonam Villam.” Cartulaire de la Couture, no. 9. Cf. Latouche, Maine, p. 38, n. 7, and p. 147, no. 38.

[50] In a charter by Arnold, bishop of Le Mans, we read: “Acta autem fuit hec auctorizatio in urbe Cenomannica, in capitulo beati Iuliani, iiiº kalendas Aprilis … eo videlicet anno quo Robertus, Willelmi regis Anglorum filius, comitatum Cenomannensem recuperavit.” Cartulaire de Saint-Vincent, no. 175. This charter cannot be certainly dated more closely than 1066–81. But it seems not unlikely that it belongs to the spring of 1073, when, as we know, Norman authority had just been reëstablished at Le Mans by force of arms.

[51] On these events see Augustin Fliche, Le règne de Philippe Iᵉʳ, roi de France (Paris, 1912), pp. 270–274; Halphen, Anjou, p. 182.

[52] He is so styled in 1074 in his attestation of a charter by King William in favor of Bayeux cathedral. Davis, Regesta, no. 76.

[53] “Roberto … Cenomannicam urbem gubernante.” Supra, n. 35.

[54] Ordericus, ii, pp. 294, 390; cf. A.-S. C., a. 1079; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 12. That this ceremony took place twice, once before and once after the Conquest, seems to be made certain by the specific phrase of Ordericus, “ante Senlacium bellum et post in quadam sua aegritudine.” Cf. supra, n. 43.

[55] Unless one so regard a speech which Ordericus (ii, p. 259) puts into the mouths of the rebel earls Roger of Hereford and Ralph of Norfolk in 1074: “Transmarinis conflictibus undique circumdatur, et non solum ab externis, sed etiam a sua prole impugnatur, et a propriis alumnis inter discrimina deseritur.” But this speech is probably a work of imagination on the part of Ordericus, and he seems here to have fallen into an anachronism. Cf. Le Prévost, in Ordericus, ii, p. 377, n. 1.

[56] Davis, Regesta, nos. 2, 4, 6a, 30, 73, 75, 76, 92a, 96, 105, 114; Round, C. D. F., nos. 713, 957, 1165; Le Prévost, Eure, i, p. 562; Antiquus Cartularius Ecclesiae Baiocensis (Livre noir), ed. l’abbé V. Bourrienne (Paris, 1902), no. 5; Revue catholique de Normandie, x, pp. 46–50; Cartulaire de la Couture, no. 15; Lot, Saint-Wandrille, nos. 30, 31, 38; Bertrand de Broussillon, Maison de Laval, i, p. 37, no. 20. Though the authenticity of this last document has been questioned, Broussillon regards it as “parfaitement authentique.” The attestation “Rotberti comiti regis Anglorum filii” is inconsistent with the evident date of the charter (1055), and must be, in part at least, a later interpolation.

[57] Ordericus, ii, pp. 304–305.

[58] Davis, Regesta, no. 96; Round, C. D. F., no. 449.